Spain in the New World: Francisco de Miranda’s Travels in America and Europe

By the latter half of the 17th century, the rule of Spain in the New World was reaching 200 years. Times were changing, both in the New World and in Europe, and the leaders of Spain knew it. Their problem was what to do about it. Spain had never had a coherent policy in its imperial rule. Since 1492, Spain was seemingly constantly at war, with an endless series of crises thrown into the mix. Solutions had to be found for the here and now, the future would take care of itself.

Erick Redington continues his look at the independence of Spanish America by looking at Venezuelan military leader and revolutionary Francisco de Miranda. Here he looks at Francisco de Miranda’s travels across America and Europe, including his time in revolutionary France.

If you missed them, Erick’s article on the four viceroyalties is here, and Francisco de Miranda’s early life is here.

A painting of a young Francisco de Miranda. By Georges Rouget.

Having played a small part in the triumph of the American colonies in their revolution, Miranda wanted to see the society that the Americans were building. It was a natural choice for him. He already seemed to be developing his ideas for the independence of the Western Hemisphere from Europe. A society built upon liberal, enlightenment principles fit into his worldview. Being a highly literate man, Miranda would keep a diary during his travels. This record of his impressions and observations of the early United States is invaluable to any researcher and is one of Miranda’s best historical legacies.

On June 10, 1783, Miranda landed at New Berne, North Carolina. He would travel throughout the United States, seeking to meet not only the biggest players in the revolutionary saga but also the common folk as well. He was impressed that the lower-class whites and the wealthy would mix at common events (he did not mention what the views of the slaves at the events were). From the south, Miranda would journey north to visit the American capital Philadelphia. While in the city, he would insist on staying at the Indian Queen Inn, the same inn where Jefferson supposedly wrote the Declaration of Independence.

Armed with letters of introduction from those he met in the south, Miranda would put his natural charm and wit to work to ingratiate himself into Philadelphia high society. Since word of his status with the Spanish government had not caught up with him yet, he was wined and dined by members of the American government as well as foreign ambassadors and prominent citizens looking for Spanish contacts. Encountering George Washington, Miranda would say that he could not make a firm judgment on the man, due to his “taciturn” disposition. Lafayette, Miranda would find to be overrated. Leaving Philadelphia, Miranda would go to New York and meet two people who would influence his later life: Thomas Paine and Alexander Hamilton. Paine will become important later. Hamilton and Miranda were very much alike. Both men were bursting with energy and ideas. Both men believed that they had a destiny to lead their respective peoples. Both were highly intelligent and literate. Until Hamilton’s death, Miranda would continue to think of Hamilton as a friend.

After touring upstate New York and New England, Miranda’s past was beginning to catch up to him. Word from Spain had begun to filter into the United States. Instead of being an innocent victim of slander that Miranda had passed himself off as, he was in fact a deserter who was sentenced to lose his commission, pay a fine, and face exile. Miranda could no longer pass himself off as a lieutenant colonel of the Spanish Army. This change of status proved to be liberating in a way. When Miranda arrived in Boston, he used his letters of introduction to meet General Henry Knox, the future first Secretary of War under the Constitution. Miranda, Knox, Samuel Adams, and other men of the Boston merchant community would become intimate friends and form a discussion group. Over brandy, Miranda would spellbind these men with his ideas for the liberation of South America from the Spanish. Once Miranda saw all he thought he could see, as well as met all who were worth meeting, it was time to leave. While Miranda wanted to see the great experiment in action, he knew that at the present time, the United States was utterly incapable of furthering his plans for an independent South America. For this, he had to go to Europe.

Miranda Tours Europe

The Grand Tour was a trip around Europe that many upper-class people took as something like a right of passage after their schooling had been completed. It gave the young person a sense of worldliness and provided exposure to the cosmopolitan nature of 18th and 19th-century European upper-class society. Miranda, being a colonial, had not had the chance to go on the Grand Tour. He would rectify his missed chance. After reaching London, he would set out for the Netherlands and see the Continent.

As a man with command of many languages and being extremely well read, Miranda was able to ingratiate himself with the high society of each country he went to. His good looks and high wit were also helpful. He seemingly met everyone from Frederick the Great to Catherine the Great. He toured seemingly every city and historical location from Stockholm to Constantinople. Composers, philosophers, writers, and princes were all enthralled by him. He even allegedly had an affair with Catherine the Great, although this was never confirmed.

These contacts were not merely social for Miranda. It was a learning experience, yes, but he was also searching for support for his cause, the independence of Spanish America. Needing money, he would take financial support from them, then commonly called “patronage.” When he would inevitably (in his mind) strike for that independence, he wanted a network of supporters in Europe with their hands on the levers of power and money to give him their support when the time came. He was not simply playing the part of the international playboy gallivanting across the courts of Europe. There was a political dimension to this as well.

During his travels, Miranda would have to keep one eye always open. The Spanish government was still plotting to have him arrested. Through the Spanish intelligence network in Europe run through their national embassies and consulates, the Spanish would constantly attempt to arrest Miranda and bring him back to Spain. They knew what Miranda was doing, undermining their rule in the New World. In the end, the Spanish would fail to capture him due to a series of fortunate escapes as well as the influence of powerful friends. To protect Miranda, Catherine the Great would even make him a member of the Russian diplomatic service, thereby extending him diplomatic immunity.

For five years, Miranda would travel Europe. His travels would leave an indelible mark on those he met. In 1789, he traveled to France. Seeing the country, he despised what he saw as the backwardness of the peasantry. He wrote about visiting Versailles and feeling humiliated as he was forced to kneel upon seeing King Louis XVI. Miranda was not a fan of the French governmental system, and seeing it firsthand only made him despise it even more. He would leave France and return to London to begin lobbying the British government to support him.

Revolutionary Times

Miranda had a great deal of admiration for the British people and the balanced constitution of Great Britain. Although Miranda would remain a committed republican throughout his life, he would always recognize the inherent genius of the British governing system. Much of his admiration of the system itself would be tempered by seeing that system operate up close in his dealings with British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger.

Miranda would bombard Pitt with plan after plan and scheme after scheme to liberate South America from Spanish rule. All he would need, he would tell Pitt, was money…and men…and arms…and ships, etc. Miranda was the ideas man, the brains of the operation. All of the material support would have to come from elsewhere, and where better than the richest government on the planet, the British. Pitt would always keep Miranda close enough to use him. Occasionally throwing out hope to Miranda would keep him around just in case war with Spain would break out and he might in some way be useful. For over a year, Miranda would act out the same song and dance with the British government until he could bear it no longer. He decided he would go back to France.

Why go back to France, a country Miranda held in little esteem? Because, during his time in London, the French Revolution had broken out. The people had limited the powers of the King and were overthrowing society through the National Convention. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, authored by his friend Thomas Paine, captivated him. Here was a revolution, freeing the people and ushering in the glorious millennium of human freedom.

Arriving in 1791, Miranda would find France at war with almost all of its neighbors. The powers of Europe found the prospect of a revolutionary and trending radical republican France upending hundreds of years of tradition, as well as the balance of power on the continent, terrifying. The revolutionaries needed anyone with military experience to help secure the revolution from foreign powers whose stated goal was to overthrow the Convention and restore the powers of the king. Miranda had military experience and was made a general and ordered to take command of troops as part of the Army of the North.

With the Allies coming over the Rhine and looking to take Paris, the French needed victory. The Battle of Valmy, while being little more than an artillery duel, led to an Allied retreat. This victory was blown up in republican propaganda and was the victory that saved the Revolution. All the men involved became heroes and were declared military geniuses, and this included Miranda.

With his military reputation sky-high, Miranda was given command of a wing of the Army of the North. He was ordered by the commander, General Dumouriez, to invade the Austrian Netherlands (roughly modern Belgium) and the Netherlands. He would take Antwerp and exact a £300,000 “loan” on the city. With Dumouriez in Paris, Miranda was ordered to occupy Maastricht by the National Convention. An Allied counterattack would lead to a rout on the part of Miranda’s army. Dumouriez would return to try to salvage the situation, but it was beyond saving. Miranda had suffered a humiliating defeat. Dumouriez, however, believed the situation could be turned around. He would reorganize his forces and counterattack. At the Battle of Neerwinden, Miranda was in command of the left wing of the army. He was ordered by Dumouriez to attack the Austrian right wing. The Austrian commander, the Prince of Coburg, reinforced his position and the battle went back and forth for several hours. When the cavalry of Archduke Charles was sent in to press the attacks home, Miranda’s command was broken, and the men began to flee. Despite all of his best efforts, Miranda was unable to rally his men. Dumouriez, learning of the shattering of his left wing, ordered the army to retreat.

The Radicals Turn on Miranda

For Miranda, the defeat at Neerwinden was very ill-timed. The Revolution was taking a dark turn. The siege mentality of the National Convention was turning into political paranoia as the different factions were turning on each other. The faction he was associated with, the Girondins, was in decline, while their rivals, the Jacobins, were ascendant. In April 1793, Miranda was arrested. His old commander, Dumouriez, recognizing the cut-throat nature of revolutionary politics, denounced Miranda and stated that the blame for the defeat in the north could be laid almost entirely in Miranda’s lap. Miranda was accused of criminal incompetence and cowardice in the face of the enemy.

Then the situation became even more confused. Dumouriez, seeing the way the Revolution was turning, decided to try to overthrow the Convention and restore a previously discarded constitution. Counting on the loyalty of his troops to himself personally, Dumouriez negotiated with the Austrians to stop their advance in order to free up the Army of the North to march on Paris and suppress the Convention. As it turned out, the troops were not loyal to Dumouriez personally, and he was forced to flee across enemy lines and defect to the Coalition. Back in Paris, the first reaction amongst the radicals was that of course, Miranda had supported his old commander Dumouriez in his treason. This flew in the face of all logic since it was Dumouriez who was trying to destroy Miranda’s reputation. Despite this, the paranoia of the Jacobins, and their leader Robespierre, knew no bounds. Miranda would be brought to trial for both sabotaging Dumouriez’s chances at victory as well as allegedly supporting the same man’s treason.

On April 8, 1793, Miranda was interrogated by the Convention’s War Committee. The questioning of Miranda and his fitness for command as well as his actions gave him the opportunity to address the committee and state his case. All of the learning, literary training, and military studies that Miranda had focused on his entire life led to this moment. Against all odds, he was able to defend himself so well before the War Committee that he was able to escape the guillotine. He showed the logic of his actions, proved the accusations of cowardice to be false, and attacked the judgment of Dumouriez. He even commented on Dumouriez’s negative opinions of the members of the Convention, just for good measure.

In May 1793, Miranda appeared before a Revolutionary Criminal Tribunal, which again investigated the charges against him. Witness after witness would appear before the tribunal to support Miranda. Even Thomas Paine would take the stand in Miranda’s defense. The defense attorney, Chaveau-Lagarde, would point out to the jury all that Miranda had sacrificed for the freedom of the French people. He showed that Miranda was a man with an international reputation for integrity and was known as a lover of mankind and a freedom fighter. The letters of introduction from men such as George Washington, Joseph Priestly, and Benjamin Franklin were introduced to prove Miranda’s devotion to republicanism. Although the process would take too long in the judgment of Miranda, he was acquitted on all charges and released. The jury had unanimously returned a verdict of not guilty.

In Revolutionary France, no one was truly safe. In July 1793, the most radical leaders of the revolution began to consolidate their power in the lead-up to the Great Terror. On July 5, Miranda was arrested again, this time at the order of the Committee of Public Safety. The Jacobins were determined to destroy their Girondin opponents, and Miranda was one of the most prominent. This time, imprisonment would not be the same. Whereas before, Miranda had been incarcerated for only a few weeks, this time, he would sit in prison for much longer. Even after the fall of the Committee of Public Safety and the defeat of the Jacobins, Miranda was still not released. Only after a year and a half, in January 1795, would Miranda finally be let out of his dungeon.

During his time in prison, Miranda had begun to lose faith in the Revolution. He would begin to write and speak to his contacts about how the Revolution had lost its initial ideals. He opposed “spreading the revolution” through military conquest and expressed his skepticism of the French government. He would write a pamphlet calling for the reformation of government to create more checks and balances to prevent dictatorship and tyranny. Given Miranda’s international connections and reputation, it could not escape the French government that he had to be taken seriously. On October 21, 1795, the Convention ordered Miranda to be arrested yet again. Although this order would be rescinded, the French government was growing very tired of Miranda.

Returning to His Roots

In 1797, the French government was prepared to deport Miranda to Guiana. He knew his time in France was up. Before he would leave, however, he would take the opportunity that being around other revolutionary exiles afforded and held what was later called the “Paris Convention.” This meeting between Miranda, José del Pozo y Sucre, and Manuel de Salas drafted an Act of Paris which set out points that would guide the South American independence movements. Independence and friendship with Great Britain and the United States, repayment to Britain for services rendered to the revolution, commercial concessions to Britain, and recognition of Miranda’s leading role in the military aspect of the revolution. These men knew that the South Americans would have a hard time freeing themselves. They needed British support.

With the Act of Paris complete, Miranda prepared to leave France. He came to the country and was filled with disgust for the absolutist French. Seeing the Revolution, Miranda became a convert to the French cause and put his life on the line to defend it. The repayment he received was accusations and imprisonment. Coming full circle, Miranda would leave France bitter against both the country and its people. He had always favored British and American models, but his experiences had only reinforced his early views.

In January 1798, Miranda would leave France and arrive in Britain. Now, at 47 years old, having seen much of the Western world, met many of its leading lights, and had his star rise, fall, rise, fall, and rise again, Miranda would now turn back to the primary thought driving his life, the freedom of Spanish America from colonial rule. No more diversions, it would now be all-encompassing.

What do you think of Francisco de Miranda’s time in America and Europe? Let us know below.

Now, read about Francisco Solano Lopez, the Paraguayan president who brought his country to military catastrophe in the War of the Triple Alliance here.

The Earliest Revolutionary in the New World?

When people think of revolutionary fighters in the Americas they often think of George Washington, Toussaint Louverture, or Simón Bolívar. However, the first revolutionary fighter attempting to liberate the New World from European colonialism did not live in the 18th or 19th century but instead lived almost 200 years before. Here, Nick Bobertz explains the story of Lope de Aguirre.

A depiction of Lope de Aguirre.

In the year 1561 a group of Spanish conquistadors set out on an expedition to discover the lost city of El Dorado somewhere in the Amazon jungle. One of these conquistadors was a man named Lope de Aguirre who would go insane in the jungles of the Amazon, seize power over the Spanish expedition, and attempt to liberate all Spanish colonies in the new world.

This is the story of how one conquistador became mad with power and attempted to seize complete power over the Spanish colonies in the Americas. Much of what we know about Aguirre comes from a handful of sources, the primary of which is a letter he sent to King Phillip II renouncing his reign and declaring war on Spain.

Lope de Aguirre In Spain

As historians we know very little about the youth and upbringing of Lope de Aguirre. He was born in northern Spain sometime around the year 1510. More than likely his family was of lower noble birth in the Kingdom of Navarre. We believe this is the case because Lope de Aguirre was fairly literate for his time and his family name indicates a heritage from Northern Spain.

Sometime in his 20s Aguirre would migrate south to Seville. It is perhaps that Aguirre decided to move here in search of riches and adventure in the Spanish Reconquista which ended in 1492 with the fall of the Nasrid kingdom of Granada.

It is assumed that while living in Seville Aguirre would have seen Hernando Pizarro returning on January 9th, 1534 to a hero's welcome after having conquered the Inca Kingdom. Aguirre would have seen Pizarro being given substantial land in the new world by King Charles of Spain. This undoubtedly had an impact upon the young conquistador as only 3 years later Aguirre was somehow in the former Inca capital Peru.

Lope de Aguirre In The New World

While in the New World Lope de Aguirre became known for both his violence against the natives as well as his hatred for the Spanish Crown. On top of this Aguirre was known to be a person who acted before thinking, which led to a series of ill thought out plans. One of which was that in 1544 Aguirre attempted to free the new Spanish viceroy of South America from imprisonment with a handful of men but failed drastically.

In 1551 when Lope de Aguirre was arrested in Potosi on charges of excessive violence against the natives. In court Aguirre stated that he was a member of the Spanish gentry and that as such he was immune by law to public humiliation. The judge didn't agree with Aguirre and had him publicly whipped in the city streets.

Lope de Aguirre was a man driven by greed, ambition, and most of all pride. This became apparent after his public humiliation by Judge Esquivel. After Aguirre was flogged in the streets of Potosi he would track Judge Esquivel across the Spanish colonies in the new world for 3 years before finally killing him.

Because of this stunt Aguirre became known as a mad man who would stop at nothing to accomplish his goals. In 1559 Spanish conquistador Pedro de Ursua began to assemble a group of explorers to go into the Amazon rainforest in search of the legendary city of El Dorado. Lope de Aguirre was of course going to be a part of this.

1560 Expedition

Sometime in 1560 a now middle aged Lope de Aguirre would set out on an expedition with around 300 conquistadors and hundreds of natives to serve as cooks, guides, and a baggage train. Besides himself Aguirre would bring a few conquistadors loyal to him and his daughter on this expedition.

The Voyage That Ended In Two Mutinies, Hundreds Dead, and Aguirre The Crazed Conquistador In Charge

This expedition left Lima and crossed the Andes mountain range. Their initial plan was to make rafts on the Maranon River and float down into the Amazon River and out into the Atlantic. However, something happened after they crossed the Andes mountain range.

The story is that the expedition leader Pedro de Ursua refused to allow Lope de Aguirre to bring his mistress on the expedition. Further, it appears that Pedro de Ursa noticed that the expedition was not prepared properly for the harsh climate of the Amazon basin and wanted to turn around. This gave Aguirre the pretext to begin to plot an assassination and mutiny against Pedro de Ursua on the grounds that he was leading the expedition astray.

After the death of Pedro de Ursa the conquistadors built a series of makeshift rafts and elected a young noble from Seville called Fernando de Guzman. Over the next month Aguirre and Guzman would argue over the course of the voyage and Aguirre would then assassinate Guzman. After this Aguirre was in charge and would start to remove people who did not agree with him. All together Lope de Aguirre claimed to have killed 15 people in order to seize power over the expedition.

After successfully taking control over the expedition Lope de Aguirre was in charge of only a handful of conquistadors. Over the next year they would wander around the Amazon River Basin completely lost and looking for the mythical city of gold, El Dorado. The river, disease, and famine ended up causing the expedition to dwindle to only a few men along with Aguirre.

After about 100 days of drifting Aguirre and his crew made it to the Atlantic ocean. In all they had managed to survive on rafts for 100 days and covering more than 1,300 miles.

War On Spain

Aguirre would come out of the Amazon river basin in the delta of the Orinoco river. Something happened on this voyage that made Aguirre believe that his enemy was none other than the king of Spain.

With his ragtag group of conquistadors Aguirre would then turn north and sail another 300 miles on his rafts to the nearest European settled Island. This was the Spanish held Island of Margarita which is on the coast of modern Venezuela.

On the northwest side of the Island there was the port city of Pampatar which was founded in 1536. This is where Aguirre would attack in 1561. We don't have much details of the event but in the end Aguirre would seize control over the island and have his men declare him the Prince of the new world.

While on this island Aguirre would institute a series of changes. The governor of the Island spoke out against these changes and was killed. On top of this Aguirre had a man from Germany executed because he was a Protestant. That is all we know of Aguirre's couple of months as ruler of the island as he would immediately leave to attempt to start a revolution in Panama.

In the winter months of 1561/62 Lope de Aguirre would die after being surrounded and defeated at Barquisimeto, Venezuela. However, in this time he had begun to gain a following across the population as a revolutionary who was fighting against Spain.

So how do we as historians know all of this happened?

Aguirre's Letter

After taking control over the Island of Margarita Lope de Aguirre would write a letter and send it to King Phillip II of Spain. In this letter Aguirre outlines exactly what he did on his voyage, what the king did to him, and how he was going to free the Spanish colonies from European possession. (I highly suggest you read the letter that you can find by clicking here.)

As historians we can piece together exactly what happened in the mad mind of Aguirre. He seized the expedition, killed all those who opposed him, promised his men freedom, and then captured the Island of Margarita.

What is interesting is Aguirre's justification for declaring war against King Phillip of Spain. There is one passage from this letter that presents Aguirre's justification for rebelling against the King of Spain. The important thing to remember when reading this passage is that kings were divinely mandated, and as such simply better then the average person.

"Illustrious King, we do not ask for grants in Cordoba or Valladolid, nor in any part of Spain, which is your patrimony. Deign to feed the weary and poor with the fruits and proceeds from this land. Remember, King and Lord, that God is the same for all, and the same justice, reward, heaven, and hell."

This passage demonstrates that Aguirre is rebelling because he feels as though the King of Spain and his servants have been unfair to the common person in the New World. They take nearly all of the resources and leave nothing for the lower conquistadors and natives.

The most telling part here however is the end. That "god is the same for all, and the same justice, reward, heaven, and hell." This is very interesting because at this point in history people were taught that the nobility of the land was born with a divine reason for being better.

Aguirre here is destroying this idea and presenting libertas or that all people are created equal. This idea of liberty and the creation of equality among people regardless of birth can be seen in other revolutionary documents, namely the Declaration of Independence.

As such, we can look at Aguirre as a revolutionary fighter. In 1561 a man and a group of men attempted to seize control over the colonies of New Spain. These revolutionary fighters had the idea of liberty and self-governance long before the revolutionary wars of the 19th century.

Conclusion

Aguirre’s is a fascinating story. Many people are not aware of him and his ill fated voyage which turned into a revolution.

For much of history people have thought of Aguirre as a mad man who committed horrendous acts to seek personal glory and wealth. While this is the case he also can be considered the first revolutionary fighter in the Americas.

What do you think of Lope de Aguirre? Let us know below.

I hope you enjoyed this article. My name is Nicklaus Bobertz and I hold a master's degree in History from the University of Central Florida, have published in Cambridge University Press, and presented research at The University of Toronto.

I also run, write, and manage my own history blog where I give simple answers to history's hard questions. You can find me at TheHistoryAce.com.

Was Bloody Mary Really so Bloody?

It is rumored in folklore that if one were to say “Bloody Mary” thirteen times into a mirror, a screaming ghostly apparition will appear, covered in blood. While there is debate over whether this myth is truly inspired by the Tudor monarch Mary I, it is for certain that Mary is vilified in popular culture, yet was she really as bad as many believe? Jeremiah Puren explains.

Mary I or Bloody Mary in 1554. Painting by Hans Eworth.

The case for a ‘Bloody’ Mary I

To understand why Mary is viewed as a tyrant, a brief context of the Tudor period prior to her coronation must be understood. Mary’s father, Henry VIII had famously (and infamously) broken with Rome in 1534, severing England from the control of the Catholic church, and introducing Protestant ideas from the likes of Martin Luther and John Calvin to the English population. Thus, many began to view the Catholic church as a greedy and corrupt institution. Included among those raised on Protestant ideas was Henry’s son, and Mary’s half-brother, Edward VI, who ascended to the throne on February 20, 1547 at the age of nine following Henry VIII’s death. Edward had little control of the nation due to his young age, yet he managed to further the Protestant transformation of England with the help of adamant reformer and Archbishop Thomas Cranmer. Edward approved of and legally enforced Cranmer’s new Protestant liturgy, “The Book of Common Prayer”, which allowed traditionally Latin prayers to be read in English and removed much Catholic dogma surrounding marriage and baptism. This was in line with Protestant ideas that everyone should have access to heaven through faith alone, and that everybody should be free to interpret and access the bible, as Latin was not spoken by the common people. Edward unexpectedly died at the age of 15 on July 6 1553, allowing Mary to gain the crown the same year following a brief competition for ascendency with the Protestant Lady Jane Grey.

With this religious timeline of the Tudor period in mind, it is now possible to see how one may believe Mary was truly regressive. Mary had never been convinced by the Protestant ideas sweeping the nation and desperately wished to revert England to what she perceived as the one true faith: Catholicism. One could argue that, by attempting to suddenly undo her predecessor's changes, she was thrusting England into a state of religious instability. In her first year on the throne, Mary passed her first Act of Repeal, undoing all legislation passed under Edward enforcing Protestantism in an attempt to reinstate the Catholic tradition. However, when ideas settle into certain hearts and minds, it is not a simple endeavor to strip them away. Despite Mary’s legal attempts at flushing out Protestantism, Church services continued in English, Books of Common Prayer continued to circulate and notable Protestant figures continued to preach. This led to Mary resorting to harsher measures. During her short reign of five years, over 300 Protestants were executed by being burned at the stake, with large crowds amassing to witness their dying screams. Most notable of all the executions was the aforementioned Thomas Cranmer, the former Archbishop who had been the architect behind the English Reformation, who dramatically announced: “as for the pope, I refuse him, as Christ’s enemy and antichrist, with all his false doctrine” before being set alight. It is for this perceived injustice that Mary has been most hated throughout history, and is the justification used for her title of “Bloody Mary”.

Was this truly the case?

Throughout medieval history, executions were far from uncommon. Monarchs tended to execute potential rivals and dissidents upon their ascension to preemptively solve potential issues in their reign, as well as to display power and strength. Mary I especially needed to show such strength, as it is important to note that she was the first female monarch of England in a heavily patriarchal society. Thus, the execution of Protestant dissenters, while seemingly unjust by today's standards, was justified at the time, and Mary's subjects would have been largely indifferent considering public executions were a common affair. For example, over the course of the Tudor period, there were roughly 80,000 executions, with nearly 60,000 being during the reign of Mary’s father, Henry VIII. This puts into perspective the normality of executions in this period and shows us that Mary’s burning of Protestants was relatively tame compared to other Tudor monarchs. Mary was also surprisingly lenient with those she persecuted. She gave those she executed numerous chances for repentance of Protestantism, and many were given the opportunity to leave England for mainland Europe. It was only those who stoically stuck to Protestantism such as Cranmer who faced being burned, yet Mary gave more chances than other Tudors.

While one could argue Mary’s policy was ruining years of religious change, causing disarray among the lower classes who had become accustomed to Protestantism, it is necessary to note that the majority of the population were not theologians. The rapid reversion to Catholicism would not have caused chaos among the peasantry, who were the bulk of churchgoers, as while it is true that the ability to read Latin would not be found among this social class, the ability to read English would be similarly rare. The common weekly attendee of the Church would not care for the theological disputes, and thus would not have cared about Mary’s religious policy. In fact, the Protestant attacks on the church, such as Henry VIII’s dissolution of the monasteries, which had stripped Churches of wealth and deconstructed many places of worship, caused great social discontent, as the Church was the center of local communities in this period. It not only acted as a place of worship but a social space, a charity and school simultaneously. Mary’s refusal to continue the dismantling of this institution would have thus been regarded as positive by commonfolk.

Interpreting history

The question then arises: why do we think of Mary as so Bloody? This is a question with an answer which has a scope expanding beyond Tudor studies. For hundreds of years following the Tudor period, much of British historical study was done under the ‘Whig’ tradition. ‘Whig’ historians viewed history as a story of Protestant progress towards freedom and parliamentary democracy. It makes sense then, that these historians would defile the Catholic Mary, as they looked to clearly biased sources as evidence for Mary’s flaws, such as John Foxe’s work of Protestant propaganda circulated in Mary’s successor Elizabeth I’d reign, the “Book of Martyrs”. Foxe’s work included sensationalist rhetoric and twisted the events to ensure all of those killed were seen as martyrs, being killed by an autocratic and immoral Catholic queen. Such a defamation project by historians is incompatible with the evidence previously mentioned that Mary was no worse than other Tudors, shining light on the common mistake made by historians: letting personal views and hindsight hinder the pursuit of the truth. One would hope this no longer happens, and history is viewed from an objective perspective, yet it begs the question. Is it possible to interpret history without an agenda?

What do you think of Bloody Mary? Let us know below.

References

Hanson, Marilee. "Archbishop Thomas Cranmer Death By Execution" https://englishhistory.net/tudor/thomas-cranmer-death/

Heather Y Wheeler. “How Many People Were Executed by the Tudors?” https://www.tudornation.com/how-many-people-were-executed-by-the-tudors/

How the US Misjudged Fidel Castro: Part 2 - Fidel Takes Power

At the moment of Fidel Castro's triumphant entry into Havana, Cuba on January 9, 1959, the charismatic revolutionary leader was a relatively unknown quantity. Many are surprised to discover that Castro at first enjoyed much popular support in this country. Early reports on the rebel leader featured positive, if sometimes guarded, reactions. Even Ed Sullivan, America’s premier show man, got caught up in the excitement. He journeyed to Cuba himself to interview the victorious rebel leader shortly after the latter’s entry into Havana. He was but one of myriad journalists who descended on Cuba to cover the exciting changes in the island.

In this series, Victor Gamma returns and considers how the US misjudged Fidel Castro. Here, we look at US assessments of Fidel Castro just before he took power, the 1958 Cuban election, and the early days of Castro in power.

If you missed it, read part 1 on Cuba before the revolution here,

Fidel Castro and Camilo Cienfuegos in Havana in January 1959.

Enter Earl Smith. This non-Spanish-speaking businessman with no diplomatic experience took over duties as American ambassador in Havana in June, 1957. On the urging of his staff, Smith did some traveling in Cuba to get a better feel for the country. Based on his experiences and observations, Smith developed firm views on Castro and the anti-Batista movements, which views were not completely in accord with the CIA. The ambassador did not omit to inform Kirkpatrick that in his view, the CIA mission had allowed itself to fall under the sway of the July 26 movement. Smith urged the CIA to stop giving any encouragement to them. He furthermore accused the CIA of greatly underestimating the strength of the Communist party and its influence in Cuba. The CIA official responded by basically denying Smith’s charges with a bland recital of recent CIA operations, which he characterized as above reproach.

The new ambassador decided to conduct his own investigation into Castro’s background and what he found alarmed him. Smith conducted an intensive process of interviews including a multitude of people, many of whom had known Castro since his youth. He was careful to include those who were anti-Batista, representing different segments of Cuban society. According to Smith “No matter how anti-Batista these people were, they believed Castro would be worse for Cuba than Batista.” Among other reasons, those Smith interviewed stated that Castro was “an unstable terrorist.” Smith's ultimate conclusion was “It was becoming more and more obvious to me that the Castro-led 26th of July Movement embraced every element of radical political thought and terrorist inclination in Cuba.” But despite Smith’s position as ambassador, some personnel in the American Embassy continued to support Castro and relay messages to the State Department indicating that the Castro movement was nothing to fear. Not only that,  in early 1958 Radio Moscow broadcast its support of the effort to overthrow Batista. They continued especially supporting the 26th of July Movement. The State Department was informed of this by Ambassador Smith.

It was only when some rebels, under the command of Raul Castro, began kidnapping Americans that the State Department began to direct the CIA to prevent Castro from attaining power. The CIA then attempted to cultivate an alternative leader, without success.

Democratic process

Another possible solution lay in the democratic process. In 1958, after six years of military dictatorship under Batista, Cuba held a free election and began preparing the way for a peaceful transition of power. Three main candidates vied with each other for the presidency; Andrés Rivero Agüero of the Progressive Action Party, Carlos Márquez Sterling of the Partido del Pueblo Libre. The elections represented an opportunity to get rid of Batista but the US remained non-committal about which candidate to support or what official policy to adopt towards the on-going armed rebellion. Castro seemed to be a viable option. In his first speech on Radio Rebelde on April 14, 1958 Castro repeated many of the cherished ideals of classical liberalism; freedom of the press, republicanism and constitutionalism. He went out of his way to deny his association with communism, “These dictators will not tire of repeating the lie that we are "communists." He began the speech, in fact, with a withering attack on government censorship.  “As hateful as tyranny is in all its aspects, none of them is so irritating and crudely cynical as the absolute control that it has imposed on all the media for disseminating printed, radio and television news.”

On July 16 the American embassy passed along to the State Department the views of one of the opposition candidates, Dr. Marquez Sterling. Sterling communicated to the American Embassy that, in his view, the political situation was the most dangerous the Island had ever encountered. He claimed that the insurrectionists, unable to win on their own, were seeking to create conditions of anarchy that would allow them to seize power. He called Castro “mad” - not the first person to do so. Additionally, ambassador Earl T. Smith, vocally opposed any possible support of Castro. He declared openly that Castro was not someone with whom the US could trust or work with. Despite these warnings, the US did not take a firm position on Castro or the election.

The American embassy in Cuba's attitude was crystal clear, in contrast to the vague official American policy. The embassy represented a valuable front-line perspective which should have guided US policy. On October 3, 1958, just weeks before the election, an embassy dispatch entitled: “1958 Elections; Electoral Outlook Six Weeks Prior to Elections” arrived in Washington. After a thorough analysis of the political situation in Cuba, the embassy urged the following course of action:  "Though the coming Cuban elections will not meet all the standards of an ideal democratic election, they are the best that can be had under the circumstances now prevailing. They are in the Embassy’s view infinitely better than a violent overthrow of Batista and far better than no elections at all. It is therefore in the interest of the United States to encourage them." In other words, the embassy opposed any of the armed opposition, which Earl Smith viewed as illegitimate.

Election

Despite such information, ambivalence continued to mark the US official attitude toward the bearded rebel. There were, however, more red flags. First, there was Castro’s attitude toward the election. Although  he repeatedly proclaimed himself as a proponent of democracy, during the 1958 election he issued repeated calls for a general strike and death threats against all candidates for political office as well as Cubans who wished to participate. As a result, in regions under the control of the insurrection, voter turnout was negligible. Insisting that the election was a US/Batista farce, the rebels issued the “Total War Against the Tyranny Manifesto.” In the uncompromising language of the fanatic, the Manifesto simply ignored the elections and declared “war” on the Batista regime.

The elections took place on November 3rd with Progressive Action candidate Andrés Rivero Agüero winning 70% of the vote. Within days of his victory he met with the US ambassador and expressed his commitment to restore legitimacy and constitutional government in Cuba. The US was prepared to support him with military aid against insurgents. He would never get the chance. The Batista government was in the process of disintegration at that moment and would collapse within weeks. Agüero’s ambitions to restore the Cuban government were thwarted when Batista threw in the towel and fled Cuba on January 1, 1959, leaving the Island to anti-Batista forces.

When the rebels took Havana, a wave of euphoria swept Cuba. Most were hopeful that Castro and his fellow revolutionaries would establish a liberal democracy as he had stated many times. Castro and his revolution also captured the attention and hopes of many foreign observers. Although some uttered dark warnings about the bearded militant, others, mainly in the American media, helped to sway much American opinion in Castro’s favor. They denied Castro’s communism and actively promoted him as an acceptable leader of Cuba. After Castro’s arrival in Havana, American companies continued to act as if nothing would change. Investment in Cuba hit a record high of $63 million. One corporate executive remarked that the responsibilities of leadership would force Castro to “become conservative.”

Optimism

Everyone was caught up in the excitement. Immediately after Castro's entry into Havana, Ed Sullivan journeyed to the island and met the enigmatic rebel. Arriving at about two in the morning, Sullivan conducted and filmed an interview with Castro lasting about six minutes. Sullivan introduced the filmed interview with the comment “Somebody has said that ‘Freedom is Everybody’s Business.’ In the interview Castro came across as a soft-spoken, freedom-loving, responsible leader. Sullivan expressed great optimism about his subject and what it meant for the future of his suffering nation as well as Cuban-American relations.

Not long after Sullivan’s encounter with Castro, The popular show Face the Nation journeyed to Havana to expand on the entertainer’s brief conversation. Their purpose was to have a more serious and thorough opportunity to find out what this new Latin American hero was all about, and if indeed, the revolution was something to be worried about. Again, Castro emphasized his democratic ideals and opposition to communism. The main wrinkle in the generally hopeful mood was over the on-going executions. Once the anti-Batista forces took control of Havana, Batista followers were rounded up and hastily tried.  Summary executions took a gruesome toll as the revolutionary government took terrible revenge against Batista followers.for “crimes a./m gainst the people.” By the end of February 500 had been executed. The “trials” fell far short of American or European standards of justice. At one trial, a lawyer asked that the case against his defendant be dismissed due to lack of evidence. The prosecutor replied, “He has to be shot anyway as a measure of social health.” Horrified observers reacted with concern. When questioned about the executions, Castro’s responses betrayed a complete lack of understanding or sympathy for Western concepts of justice guaranteeing a fair trial. His closest associates, in fact, dismissed these ideals as “bourgeois concepts of justice.” Castro was actually surprised at the international outcry over the executions. “These men are assassins,” he declared, “We are executing murderers that deserve to be shot.” He justified denying due process of law to Batista men, declaring that the evidence was obvious and that simple accusations were all that was needed.

Anti-Americanism

The Consulate at Santiago continued to advise the State Department about conditions in the immediate aftermath of Castro’s ascension to power. They described a rising tide of anti-Americanism, encouraged, in part, by “the pronouncements of Fidel Castro.” An attempt to show films from the United States Information Service was shut down when a member of the audience rose and lectured them on “United States oppression of Cuba.” The consulate also took the opportunity to report the increasing influence of the communists. They were now accepted as a legal party, communist newspapers began to be reestablished and individuals with PSP backgrounds had been appointed to public office.

Time magazine also issued a frank assessment. The opening lines of an article of the January 26 issue warned; “The executioner’s rifle cracked across Cuba last week, and around the world voices hopefully cheering for a new democracy fell still. The men who had just won a popular revolution for old ideals—for democracy, justice and honest government—themselves picked up the arrogant tools of dictatorship. As its public urged them on, the Cuban rebel army shot more than 200 men, summarily convicted in drumhead courts, as torturers and mass murderers for the fallen Batista dictatorship. The constitution, a humanitarian document forbidding capital punishment, was overridden.” The article went on to luridly describe the executions, sounding more like descriptions of Einsatzgruppen activity rather than tribunals of real justice.

What do you think about Fidel Castro’s early days in power? Let us know below.

Now read Victor’s series on whether Wernher von Braun was a dangerous Nazi or hero of the space race here.

How Ice Cream Led to Disease in 19th Century London

In the summer heat, having an ice cream is a popular tasty and refreshing treat, and our love for ice cream, whether it’s to enjoy at the seaside or home, is not so different from the intrigue that the Victorians had with the sweet treat. Ice cream was a phenomenon that at first confused many people when served by London street vendors, especially on how to eat such a product and the coldness of the ice cream also caused some alarm as one man described ice cream as a toothache inside their mouth. This article will explore how ice cream became a concern causing transmissions of disease in the late nineteenth century and how the edible wafer cone saved lives on London’s streets.

Amy Chandler explains.

An early 19th century depiction of French noblewomen eating ice cream.

The use of ‘ice cream’ was not strictly groundbreaking in the nineteenth century, as forms of sweet iced products were available as early as the seventeenth century. During the Georgian period, many ice-cream parlours were established and sold a variety of flavours such as “chocolate, pistachio, pineapple, jasmine, artichoke, candied pumpkin, pine nuts, pear and chestnuts”.(1) These parlours were aimed at the wealthy upper and middle classes who had the finances to purchase and frequent these establishments. Ice cream became more widespread and accessible with Agnes Marshall’s recipe book entitled The book of ices, published in 1885. Ice cream became largely accessible through the second half of the nineteenth century with the boom in the ice trade, which made access and prices affordable for the general public.

Ice cream and the London streets

Ice cream soon became a popular item on the streets of Victorian London, with many street vendors selling a wide variety of flavours costing one penny or half a penny, giving the name ‘penny licks’. The glass containers were small, and customers would lick the bowls clean instead of using a spoon. These glass containers were small and could not hold much ice cream and therefore would only take a few mouthfuls before the glass was empty. The penny lick was a small glass bowl with a thick glass stem that gave the illusion that the bowl was deep and filled with much more ice cream than in reality. For some, it may have been disappointing when they realised how little dessert they were given while the ice cream vendor earned more money. The literary phrase ‘penny for your thoughts’ denotes the idea of discussing what is on one’s mind or offering to discuss a troubling subject. In the nineteenth century, the average Victorian would get more than thoughts for a penny when buying these penny lick ice creams as these glass vessels were carriers of disease. These penny licks were also on the thoughts of medical professionals who were outspoken on the unsanitary nature of selling ice cream that caused the transmission of diseases. These bowls were licked clean by the customer and ‘rinsed’ in a bowl of stagnant water full of sewage from the River Thames, and then the vendor would reuse the bowl for the next customer. This process meant that while the glass was sustainable and reusable, it was becoming the cause of disease from the customer’s use to the water used to ‘clean’ the penny lick.

Henry Mayhew, an investigative journalist, interviewed the labourers and working class in a variety of occupations to gain a record and overall image of the working class in the 1840 to 1860s. In one interview, Mayhew spoke to an ice cream vendor where he explained the “many difficulties attending the introduction of ices into street traffic” as the customers had a “confused notion” on how the “ices was to be swallowed”.(2) Due to the confusing way of enjoying an ice cream, the popularity was gradual, and some “enterprising sellers purchased stale ices from the confectioners” to sell on and make a profit.(3) Therefore, even when ice cream caused a stir and confusion, some entrepreneurs saw a way to make a profit. Mayhew’s interview also emphasised the lack of knowledge and skill vendors had with dealing and making ice cream, and some vendors “could only supply water” when offering ice cream”.(4) One vendor was sceptical whether ice cream would take off in the streets because he’d “seen people splutter when they’ve tasted them for the first time” and described the feeling of eating ice cream for the first time as it “got among the teeth and make you feel as if you got tooth-ached all over”.(5) The general public’s reaction to ice cream was mixed with confusion and delight but was slow to take off, but over time became popular with the recipe accessibility and affordable prices.

Ice cream and the spread of disease

Many medical professionals were sceptical about the selling of ice cream due to its risk of disease transmission, for example, an article written by Dr Andrew Wilson published in the Illustrated London News in 1898, highlighted concern for the general public’s health. Wilson notes that “in the interest of public health, we enact laws for the prosecution of the grocer who sells adulterated foods”, but there are no measures in place to control the “power of spreading disease broadcast which the unlicensed and irresponsible ice cream man possess[es]”.(6) Wilson continued to list the reasons why the ice cream vendors should be controlled including that these vendors lived in the “poorest and dirtiest parts of our cities”, ingredients such as milk were “kept in premises the reverse of sanitary” and finally stating that the glasses used to serve ice cream were “licked by every child” and are the “media for conveying disease of serious nature”.(7)

Furthermore, an article published in the Bristol Times and Mirror in 1894 suggested the health risks that ice cream posed, but suggested it was not because of the way it was consumed and sold but the way the product was made and stored. The press suggested that “when flour, eggs, milk, sugar and flavourings essences are stored in foul and close, evil-smelling sleeping rooms, the innocuousness of the delicious compound is open to grave suspicion”. The foul smells of the room suggest the lack of cleanliness that the product was manufactured in, which causes the health risk. The press continued to highlight several deaths resulting in the consumption of ice cream, suggesting that the way ice cream was made, through the way “eggs are pierced at each end and then blown by the mouth” to empty the contents, contributed to the deaths. The intact eggshell was sold to shooting galleries for upper-class gentlemen to practice shooting.(8) This article in the newspaper pleads that “all street vendors shall be registered” and the standard and purity of ice cream to be assured as the “poor British public goes on quietly submitting to be[ing] poisoned”.(9) This statement emphasises the lack of knowledge and understanding the general public had about the transmission of disease and how their everyday lives were impacting their health without their knowledge.

During a Parliamentary debate regarding the sale of ice cream in the streets and how the consumption of ice cream caused deaths, several samples of water and ice cream were taken from a vendor for investigation. Dr Klein, in 1894, examined these samples and concluded that the samples had traces of sewage matter and other organisms that contributed to illness and death. Due to this revelation, attention was brought to Parliament to the “danger of mouth-to-mouth infection to children sucking ices successively out of the same glass”, while also suggesting whether the measures enforced by the Public Health Acts and the Sale of Food and Drugs acts are inefficient in the “control or prohibit the sale of poisonous compounds such as theses ices”.(10) The investigation concluded that the current public health acts passed to improve sanitary conditions were not sufficient enough to prevent further illness from occurring. While the Sale of Food and Drugs Act of 1875 prohibited the sale of products such as food and drugs that were not of the “proper nature, substance, and quality”.(11)  However, this act was not extending far enough to regulate how food was served.

Furthermore, a solution was needed to resolve the growing number of cholera and tuberculosis outbreaks and other communicable diseases relating to the sale of penny licks. The solution was an edible cone made of a wafer, which is the familiar serving of ice cream we have now and the penny lick became illegal in 1926. Agnes Marshall’s recipe book included an edible cone recipe but it was not until 1902 that Antonio Valvona patented a machine for making wafer cones.(12)

Conclusion

In conclusion, the accessibility of ice cream to the general public on the Victorian streets of London became a curiosity but also a danger as the general public was unaware that they were getting a lot more than they paid for in the form of disease. Italian influence and culture of ice cream making from Italian immigrants after the 1848 revolutions in Europe introduced flavours and processes that were not seen before in Britain. The Italian influence created a solution that reduced cholera outbreaks and improved the sanitary conditions amongst ice cream vendors.

What do you think of the article? Let us know below.

Now read Amy’s article on the Great Stench in 19th century London here.

Bibliography

Bristol Times and Mirror, ‘Notes of the day’, Bristol Times and Mirror (12 Oct 1894).

HC Deb 23 June 1898, vol 59, cols 1223.

Marks, T. ‘Ice cream: the inside scoop’, 9 July 2020, The British Museum blog < https://blog.britishmuseum.org/ice-cream-the-inside-scoop/ >.

Mayhew, H. London labour and the London poor: Volume 1. (London, Griffin, Bohn, and Company, 1861).

Moss, R. ‘The complete history of ice cream cones’, 13 May 2020, Serious Eats < https://www.seriouseats.com/ice-cream-cone-history >.

Sale of Food and Drugs Act 1875, s6.

Wilson, A. ‘Science Jottings’, Illustrated London News (16 July 1898).

References

1 T.Marks, ‘Ice cream: the inside scoop’, 9 July 2020, The British Museum blog < https://blog.britishmuseum.org/ice-cream-the-inside-scoop/ >[accessed 20 June  2022].

2 H. Mayhew. London labour and the London poor: Volume 1. (London, Griffin, Bohn, and Company, 1861),p.207.

3 Ibid.,p.207.

4 Ibid.,p.207.

5 Ibid.,p.207.

6 A. Wilson, ‘Science Jottings’, Illustrated London News (16 July 1898).

7 Ibid.

8 Bristol Times and Mirror, ‘Notes of the day’, Bristol Times and Mirror (12 Oct 1894).

9 Ibid.

10 HC Deb 23 June 1898, vol 59, cols 1223.

11 Sale of Food and Drugs Act 1875, s6.

12 R. Moss, ‘The complete history of ice cream cones’, 13 May 2020, Serious Eats < https://www.seriouseats.com/ice-cream-cone-history >[accessed 21 June 2022].

The 1952 Great Smog of London

The Great Fog or Great Smog of London in December 1952 caused widespread issues across the British capital for 5 days. It led to practically zero visibility and led to many health problems and events canceled. Chuck Lyons explains.

Nelson's Column, London in the Great Smog of 1952. Source: geograph.org.uk, available here.

For five days in December 1952, the city of London was paralyzed by what has come to be known as the Great Fog, a smog so dense that people were blinded, driving was all but impossible, and aboveground public transport and ambulance services stopped. Concerts and sporting events were cancelled; motion picture theaters closed. At railroad crossings, percussion caps were placed on the tracks so trains running over them caused explosions to warn passersby of their approach. Roads were littered with abandoned cars. Crime increased as burglars took advantage of the unexpected cover. Animals at the annual Smithfield Animal Show had to be given oxygen, others died. Ducks were killed when they flew blindly into the sides of buildings.

People were disoriented clinging to buildings so they wouldn’t lose their way.

And worse.

Government medical reports later estimated the fog had killed 4,000 people, an estimate that more recent investigators have upped to as many as 12,000. Another 100,000 or more were made ill with respiratory ailments, crowding the city’s hospitals or suffering and dying quietly in their homes. City officials only became aware of the deaths and the full extent of the health crisis when they noticed the city’s supply of coffins had come close to being exhausted.

“You had this swirling like somebody had set a load of car tires on fire," mortician’s assistant Stan Cribb recalled. On Friday Dec. 5, Cribb was driving in the lead of a funeral procession as the smog settled in, the sky darkened, and he realized he was losing sight of the curb beside the road. After a few minutes, Cribb’s employer got out of the car and walked in front with a light, but even that did not help much.

"It's like you were blind," says Cribb.

Nightfall

By nightfall visibility had dropped to a few feet, and it got no better on Saturday. It became even thicker Sunday and again on Monday. Visibility had been reduced in places to one foot, and people reported they could not see their own shoes. In the Isle of Dogs section of the city, visibility was officially recorded as “nil.” People carried lanterns and white clothes to make themselves visible on the sidewalks, and some took to wearing makeshift masks of gauze or fabric to aid their breathing. The smog by then had penetrated theaters that were closed when patrons complained they were unable to see the stage, into homes, churches, and hospitals.

“The air was not simply thick and grey. It was yellow, sulfurous, and impenetrable,” an unnamed London resident later wrote. “I heard the footsteps of a person walking toward me and realized that my own hesitant walking also sounded on the pavement. As we approached each other we both almost stopped for we could not see each other. Then, five feet in front of me a man materialized out of the smog with a mask over his nose and mouth. Wordlessly we passed each other.”

At its peak, the Times of London reported, the fog spread about twenty miles in all directions from the center of the city.

The Great Fog

The Great Fog, like most London smog, had been caused by particles from the smoke of the city’s coal-burning furnaces combining in the atmosphere with particles from the area’s natural fog. But in 1952, a third element was added: a weather inversion, a high-pressure system that trapped cold and polluted air underneath warmer air and held it in place where it grew progressively worse. (Historians have also noted that a cold turn in the weather before December 5 had people burning more coal to keep warm while the coal used in the post-war period had a higher sulfur content, both of which added to the already-existing pollution).

It was not until 2016, however, that science discovered what exactly had caused the deaths, In November of that year the results of a study conducted by scientists from the United Kingdom, China, and the United States and headed by Renyi Zhang, an atmospheric scientist at Texas A&M University, concluded that sulfuric acid particles, formed from the sulfur dioxide in the coal smoke, was the culprit. Breathing them could be—and was—deadly.

By the time the study was published, London residents had been suffering from bad air for eight centuries, since coal was first burned there in the 1200s. Periods of smog, known to the locals as “pea-soupers” had by the 16th century become such a problem that King James I tried unsuccessfully to limit coal burning. By the 19th and 20th centuries these dense, yellowish fogs, made worse by the coal burning factories of the Industrial Revolution, had become regulars on the city’s streets appearing almost as living entities in the London writings of Charles Dickens, swirling around Sherlock Holmes’s Baker Street, and in modern times filling the screens of eerie and suspenseful black-and-white motion pictures.

“Fog everywhere,” Dickens had written in his 1853 novel Bleak House. “Chance people on the bridges peeping over the parapets into a nether sky...as if they were up in a balloon and hanging in the misty clouds.”

The end

By the mid-20th century, though many of the factories had by then moved out of the city, the exhausts of automobiles, trucks, and buses were adding more pollutants to the already polluted air.

Then came December 1952.

The end came to the Great Fog—and at it would turn out to most of London’s fog problem—on Tuesday, Dec. 9, when a fresh wind came in from the west and blew the smog free of the inversion, away from London, and out over the North Sea where it dispersed. But, besides its immediate and disastrous effects, the Great Fog had had another effect. It also made the public aware of the dangers of pollution and led to the Clean Air Act of 1956 that limited the burning of coal in urban areas of the United Kingdom. Some historians have additionally called the public’s reaction to the city’s 1952 fog as the beginning of the environmental movement.

What do you think of the 1952 Great Fog of London? Let us know below.

Spain in the New World: The Early Life of Revolutionary Francisco de Miranda

By the latter half of the 17th century, the rule of Spain in the New World was reaching 200 years. Times were changing, both in the New World and in Europe, and the leaders of Spain knew it. Their problem was what to do about it. Spain had never had a coherent policy in its imperial rule. Since 1492, Spain was seemingly constantly at war, with an endless series of crises thrown into the mix. Solutions had to be found for the here and now, the future would take care of itself.

Erick Reddington continues his look at the independence of Spanish America by looking at Venezuelan military leader and revolutionary Francisco de Miranda. He starts by considering Caracas in the 1750s and the life of his father, Sebastian de Miranda, before moving on to Francisco’s early life.

If you missed it, Erick’s article on the four viceroyalties is here.

A portrait of Francisco de Miranda in later life. By Martín Tovar y Tovar.

The Caracas of the 1750s was a city of contradictions. In the multi-layered world of the Spanish Empire, this is understandable. Caracas was the capital of the province of Caracas, making it an important city. However, it had always taken second place in New Granada to Bogotá. Located over the mountains, with a differing economy and population, Caracas was treated as an inferior by the colonial administration.

The sense of difference in Caracas was compounded by a racial aspect as well. Although modern conceptions of race did not quite exist in the 1750s, racial differences were not unknown. The elite of Caracas was dominated by descendants of Basque immigrants. For many, the starting point of the history of Spain as a united state began with the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. This merging of Castilian and Catalan created the modern concept of Spanish for many. Only later would the territories of the Basque Kingdom of Navarre south of the Pyrenees be brought into the Spanish Kingdom. The Basque language is unrelated to all Indo-European languages. The culture of the people was radically different than that of the rest of Spain. This sense of “otherness” led to many seeking out new lives in the Spanish Empire. Many of those would end up in Caracas.

What feelings of otherness were already felt by Caracas for New Granada were compounded by the otherness of the Basque elites who dominated the cultural, political, and military life of the city and the province. These elites created a society dominated by themselves, something that they could not achieve in fact in their homeland. Through the creation of the Caracas Company in 1728, a royal monopoly on trade in the area was created in exchange for the Basque elite’s help in curbing the endemic piracy and smuggling in the area. It is through this that the Basque elite came to dominate economically as well as culturally.

Sebastian de Miranda

It was into this Caracas that Sebastian de Miranda Ravelo would immigrate. Sebastian had been born, not in the Basque country, but the Canary Islands, a Spanish possession off the coast of Morocco. Sebastian began life in Caracas as a merchant of modest means whose primary business was selling canvas, a product vital in many industries, but primarily important for sailing ships. He would marry Francisca Antonia Rodríguez de Espinosa, a woman from Caracas who was in the class of “shore whites,” whites who did not have the same privileges as the Peninsulares and were considered by many to be only fit to be petty laborers.

Sebastian was a successful businessman. Despite his humble beginnings, and the social marginalization he faced, he was able to amass a sizeable fortune living in Caracas. With the money he made as a merchant, he bought real estate around Caracas, further growing his fortune. His growing wealth and notoriety led him to be appointed as a captain in the Company of White Canary Islanders, a militia unit raised to improve the defense of the region. This led to greater resentment amongst the elite of Caracas.

During all these happenings, Sebastian would have children, among them a son named Sebastian Francisco. Born in 1750, less than a year after his parents married, his father was able to provide him with the best upbringing Caracas could provide. First, there were Jesuit tutors. Once a solid base had been built, his education continued at the Academy of Santa Rosa. At only 12 years old, he was enrolled in The Royal and Pontifical University of Caracas. This was a traditional education based upon Latin, the Catechism of the Catholic Church, grammar, and history. Although valuable to Miranda, he would criticize his early education later in life, wishing that it had included more modern languages and economics. What it did do was instill a lifelong love for the ancient classics and rooted Miranda in stories of ancient Greek democratic and Roman republican politics.

It was during these formative years of Miranda’s life that his father had been rising to fabulous wealth and status. He was also rising to greater heights of resentment amongst the Caracas elite. In 1768, the elite decided to wage an open fight with the parvenu Sebastian. A complaint was filed against him claiming several issues, but most insulting for the time, the accusers claimed Sebastian was a ‘mulatto’. The accusers then approached the town council, which was already stacked against Sebastian, and demanded that he be arrested for misrepresentation and fraud, and forging documents. Sebastian, understanding where this was all coming from, requested military discharge the next day. This was partially to stop the attacks, but also to give him the free time to prove his innocence. His request was granted, however, the Governor granted Sebastian the right to wear his ceremonial uniform and keep his privileges granted as a merchant.

This crusade to prove the “purity” of his bloodline would consume both the older and younger Miranda for the next several years. Sebastian would successfully take his crusade to the king himself. After creating a genealogy proving his bloodline, he was able to obtain a statement by King Charles III that Sebastian’s bloodline was pure and his position in society, as well as all privileges and titles, were confirmed. Sebastian had taken this fight much farther than the elites of Caracas had ever intended it to go. In so doing, Sebastian only garnered greater resentment. Not only was he an interloper and parvenu in their eyes, but he had beaten them, and that was unforgivable.

Francisco Leaves Caracas

Watching and helping his father as much as he could, Miranda could only feel his resentment grow. Once his pure bloodline was proven, he decided to leave Caracas and all the resentments. He used the genealogy and certifications his father had accumulated and used them to apply for permission to join the Spanish Imperial service. He wanted to leave behind the parochial prejudices of the elites of Caracas and become a man of the world. On January 25, 1771, Miranda would board the Swedish ship Prince Frederick and let it take him away.

It is easy to see his motivations for leaving in light of his later life. Miranda’s resentment against elites and desire to bring freedom to people around the world can be drawn from his family’s treatment in Caracas. He believed that people should be able to rise on their own without unnecessary societal shackles. He saw how his father rose with those shackles and could consider how much farther he could have gone if left to his own devices. His idealism was that without what he saw as useless prejudices, people would naturally become harmonious and live together in peace and harmony. Together with his obsession with ancient Greek and Roman classics, molded Miranda into the idealistic Moses of the South American Revolutions.

Arriving in Spain after a six-week journey, Miranda was captivated by what he saw. The grand architecture, the historical sites, and importantly for him, the grand libraries with books unobtainable in what was still a colonial backwater. For two years, Miranda would devote himself to his academic studies as well as attempting to understand the Spain of his time. In 1773, his father would purchase for Miranda a commission in the Princess’s Regiment, granting the young man the chance to win the kind of martial glory he had studied so diligently.

Quest for Military Glory

After seeing initial service performing garrison duty in North Africa, Miranda became bored. Much like other men who believe they are born for greatness, mundane duties grew intolerably boring for him. Military glory cannot be obtained in a small garrison on the fringe of nowhere. He would gain combat experience during a brief war with Morocco, it was not the dashing service that he read about so intently. During the siege of Melilla, he would show some of the traits that would later come to embody his character. A firm belief in his destiny. Physical courage in combat. A desire to be where the action was. But also, a willingness to see the other side. Miranda would purchase a Koran during the siege to try to more fully understand the Muslim Moors opposing him. In his extensive diary, he never once expressed personal hostility or hatred of the Moors. He recognized their bravery and zeal for their cause. This desire to understand even the motivations of his enemies, would drive Miranda throughout his life.

After the fighting in Morocco, Miranda would also show another trait that would mark him - resistance to authority. He would constantly bombard his superiors with letters requesting promotions, transfers, and decorations. He would request in terms that, to modern ears would sound as flowery, but at the time, the tone and volume of correspondence were pushy at best and demanding at worst. Combined with his self-assurance, this was certain to be grating to his superiors. Miranda would even write to the king himself asking for the Order of Santiago. This restlessness and growing self-assurance would place him in jail several times for insubordination. Making enemies of your superior officers is never a good idea, and Miranda’s commander, Colonial Juan Roca, would repeatedly file charges against him.

By 1780, Spain was at war again. It had intervened in the American Revolution on the side of France (though Spain pointedly refused to recognize American independence). Troops were needed in the New World to strike at British positions throughout the hemisphere. Miranda would finally be granted the transfer he was long requesting. To be sure, his superiors would have been happy to be rid of him anyway. Miranda was transferred to the Regiment of Aragon and put on a ship to America. This Spanish plan was to use the American Revolution as a way to strike at the British Empire and avenge the humiliating defeat during the Seven Years’ War. The Spanish wanted to reconquer their lost colony of Florida, which they had been compelled to surrender in 1763. The expedition was led by the brilliant Spanish General Bernardo de Galvez.

On the journey from Spain to Havana, the leader of the naval force carrying the troops was Admiral José Solano y Bote, the former governor of Caracas who had supported his father during the controversy over his genealogy. Solano would immediately recognize Miranda and help out the son of his old friend. Miranda was moved out of his regiment, promoted, and made aide-de-camp to Manuel de Cagigal, the governor of Cuba. With promotion and fantastic references, Miranda was now on his way. He would participate in the Siege of Pensacola in 1781. He would help raise money for the French fleet which would go on to win the Battle of the Chesapeake, leading to the victory at Yorktown. Miranda would now begin to help plan the invasion of Jamaica, the jewel of the British Caribbean Empire.

Problems Follow

All was not well for Miranda, however. The Battle of the Saintes would lead to the end of any thought of invading Jamaica. His problems with authority would return. General de Galvez, the architect of the successful campaign against Pensacola, was an object of derision for Miranda. Along with other officers that Miranda had bumped up against along the way, he was making a powerful list of enemies.

After Pensacola, Miranda was sent to the British to arrange the release of about 900 prisoners of war. A further, unrecorded mission was to act as a spy on what the British were up to in the area. Relying on contacts he had made in the aftermath of Pensacola, he got in touch with the British. Miranda, being the smooth operator that he was, had no difficulty arranging the release of the prisoners. Unfortunately, he also entered into an arrangement with Philip Allwood, a British merchant, to fill the ships transporting the prisoners back to Spanish custody with Allwood’s goods and make a fortune on contraband goods.

When Miranda returned, he was found out almost immediately. In addition to charges of smuggling, he also faced charges that he was a spy for the British. Miranda had always been an avid reader. He purchased books wherever he went. This included English language versions of books that would have been banned in Spain. This was used against him. The Minister of the Indies was José de Galvez, uncle of Bernardo. It seemed the de Galvez family, as well as those who had personal and professional differences with Miranda were all coming together to destroy him. He realized that eventually that his enemies were going to find a way to destroy him. It would be the same as with his father. The attacks would continue, and the charges would pile up, until one day the one charge that stuck would come.

At some point during this personal crisis he was facing, Miranda began to realize that despite professed loyalty to king and country, he would forever be a colonial in the eyes of the Spanish. Of course, all of the issues he was facing were not his fault, the persecution came from a variety of external factors. Miranda began personalizing these issues and began seeing himself as different from other Spaniards. He was an American. Spanish service was no longer for him.

Learning that he was going to be arrested, potentially this time for treason, due to the accusations of being a spy, Miranda resolved to escape. He would write to friends and tell them he was going to go back to Spain personally to clear his name. Then it became going back to Spain through the United States. On June 1, 1783, Miranda boarded an American ship and sailed for the United States. It was only the beginning of his wanderings, but this first step would lead to Miranda taking up a part on the stage of world history. The question was, how big a part would he play?

What do you think of Francisco de Miranda’s early life? Let us know below.

Now, read about Francisco Solano Lopez, the Paraguayan president who brought his country to military catastrophe in the War of the Triple Alliance here.

Shaka Zulu and Great Man History

Shaka kaSenzangakhona, or Shaka Zulu, came to rule a sizeable part of southeast Africa in the first half of the 19th century. But was he an example of Thomas Carlyle’s Great Man Theory of History? Cale Gressman considers this question.

A depiction of King Shaka Zulu in the 1820s. He is holding an assegai and heavy shield.

Historical Perspectives: How We Interpret the Past

How do historians craft history? There is no simple or easy way to answer this question, as there is a near-infinite number of ways to interpret events in our past. However, there are a multitude of different historical perspectives that can be incredibly useful in framing how a historian views the past. One of these comes from the 19th-century historian Thomas Carlyle. Carlyle is famous (and infamous) for a number of his ideas, however, he is probably most famous for his theory of history. This is the Great Man Theory of History. This theory of history holds that most of history can be explained by the influence of great men or heroes as he terms them. They, with their cunning, superior intelligence, etc… shape the world around them to move history forward.

Needless to say, this theory of history has largely been discredited, with historians instead focusing on other theories less focused on individual rulers and thinkers, but instead on groups and systems as a whole. This seems reasonable. It does not matter how mighty or brilliant a ruler is, if the system they work in does not work or the people under them refuse to comply, then that’s all she wrote. However, there are some individuals in history that give one pause, because they seem to be the archetype for the Great Man Theory. One of these is Shaka Zulu.

Shaka Zulu: a Biography

Born in 1787, Shaka Zulu rose from obscurity to become the overlord of his little piece of the world. This little piece of the world was the southeast of Africa, which at this point in time was composed of hundreds of different African kingdoms, clans, and tribes. Born into the rather insignificant Zulu kingdom, Shaka would soon make the name Zulu synonymous with power and resistance to colonialism.

Shaka’s real name was Sigidi kaSenzangakhona, so it should be obvious why we know him as Shaka. He was born of an apparently illicit love affair between his father Senzangakhona, chief of the Zulu, and his mother Nandi, a daughter of a Langeni chief. This affair went over like a lead balloon and after a brief sojourn in Senzangakhon’s court, Nandi was driven out. She, fortunately, found refuge with her people, the Langeni. However, Shaka would later be given to the Mthethwa chiefdom and became part of the court of their chief Dingiswayo, who welcomed this foreign boy into his court.

Shaka would make a name for himself on the battlefield in his early adulthood when he was drafted into the military of the Mthethwa tribe. Herein he discovered his latent talent for war and tactics and quickly rose up the ranks of the Mthethwa to become one of Dingiswayo’s commanders. After the death of his father, Shaka would receive permission and aid from Dingiswayo to seize the Zulu throne from his senior brother Sigujana. Shaka would achieve this goal and even carve up some more surrounding territory to add to the Zulu domain, including that of the Langeni. While his skill as a commander was proven, it still remained that Shaka was still the vassal of Dingiswayo.

This all changed around 1818 when the Mthethwa and the Ndwandwe went to war. Herein, Dingiswayo was captured by the Ndwandwe’s leader Zwide and later killed. According to some accounts, this might have been a bid on Shaka’s part to obtain the Mthethwa throne, but this is unconfirmed. What did occur is that Shaka immediately assumed control of the collapsing Mthethwa state after the death of their chief. Desiring to be rid of yet another rival, Zwide and his forces that same year invaded Shaka’s realm, but were subsequently routed, and the Ndwandwe was ultimately absorbed into the Zulu kingdom. There were no major rivals left in the area, so Shaka did what I guess a Shaka does and continued to conquer.

The result of these conquests is that the Zulu would now rule most of Natal and KwaZulu. With no major rivals, Shaka and his apparently unstoppable army would demand the submission of all of the surrounding chiefdoms. If they agreed, they were allowed to maintain local administrative control. If they did not, they were either annihilated wholesale or driven off their land. This resulted in a series of mass migrations from the region that resulted in perhaps as many as one million deaths, as entire people groups were forced from their homes and collided with other groups. The effects of these migrations were felt as far as the Zambezi River in modern-day Zimbabwe.

The Zulu Kingdom under Shaka would quickly morph into a Spartan-like military state. All young men would reside in military settlements completely separate from women until such a time as they had earned the right to marry. Unmarried women would receive much the same treatment. The cattle that the Kingdom’s economy was reliant upon were largely centralized by Shaka and his subordinates. In 1824, the British of the Cape Colony in the western part of South Africa would come into contact with the Zulu. Sensing an opportunity for trade and the potential of more and greater weapons Shaka allowed them to build Port Natal to conduct said trade.

Shaka was a cruel leader. Killing at the slightest provocation, his actions did not engender him to those around him. It is no wonder then that in 1828, a mere ten years after taking the Zulu throne, he would be assassinated by his half-brothers and bodyguard. The system that Shaka had built was a rigid militaristic society so formidable that it would in later years go head to head with the might of the British Empire. While they would ultimately lose this engagement, the Zulu and their founder would go down in history as a symbol of African military prowess and strength.

An Example of Great Man History?

The case of Shaka Zulu does give one pause. Here is a relative nobody (yes he was technically nobility, but that did not exactly benefit him due to his mixed blood and illegitimacy) who managed to create a military system that defeated the British for a time, who were at the height of their colonial power. Here was a guy so ruthless that he managed to transform the entirety of southeast Africa, displacing and eliminating entire people groups, all without the intervention of colonial powers. This set of events is not a common event. Yes, you will have great leaders within every group and population, but rarely one that is so transformative and deadly.

The reason for the mention of the lack of colonial intervention is that throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, the power balance globally was affected dramatically by the presence of either Europeans themselves or by their technology, particularly weapons. New Zealand exploded in violence during the so-called Musket Wars (1807-37) between the various groups of Maori. As the name would belie, the introduction of firearms was a big component. The Comanche stampeded through most of West Texas during the late 18th century creating what some have referred to as Comanchura or the Comanche Empire. This was the result of them adopting the horse and becoming what could be quite reasonably argued the best light cavalrymen in the world at the time. Horses were not indigenous to the Americas.

Shaka did not rely on colonial intervention or really any of their technology, unlike the other examples listed. He modified existing weapons, tactics, and social structures to meet his ends. He was the revolution; revolution did not come to him. Perhaps it is time to reexamine the Great Man Theory of History. Not entirely, but it at least should not be sold down the river wholesale. Individuals can make a significant impact on the world around them. Perhaps it is better to try to look at history in such a way as to measure the impact individuals, no matter their status, have on history and the world around them.

What do you think of Shaka Zulu? Let us know below.

Sources

Cockshut , A.O.J. “Thomas Carlyle.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 1 Feb. 2022, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Thomas-Carlyle.

“The Great Man Theory of Leadership Explained.” Villanovau.com, Villanova University , 10 Sept. 2021, https://www.villanovau.com/resources/leadership/great-man-theory/#:~:text=The%20Great%20Man%20Theory%20was,biographies%20belonging%20to%20great%20men.

“The Musket Wars.” New Zealand History, Ministry of Culture and Heritage , 11 Sept. 2015, https://nzhistory.govt.nz/war/new-zealands-19th-century-wars/the-musket-wars.

Ricks, Thomas E. “'The Comanche Empire': A Book That Changed How I Understand Our History.” Foreign Policy, Foreign Policy, 18 July 2016, https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/07/18/the-comanche-empire-a-book-that-changed-how-i-understand-our-history-2/.

“Shaka Zulu.” South African History Online, SAHO , 9 Nov. 2020, https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/shaka-zulu.

How the US Misjudged Fidel Castro: Part 1 - Before the Revolution

At the moment of Fidel Castro's triumphant entry into Havana, Cuba on January 9, 1959, the charismatic revolutionary leader was a relatively unknown quantity. Many are surprised to discover that Castro at first enjoyed much popular support in this country. Early reports on the rebel leader featured positive, if sometimes guarded, reactions. Even Ed Sullivan, America’s premier show man, got caught up in the excitement. He journeyed to Cuba himself to interview the victorious rebel leader shortly after the latter’s entry into Havana. He was but one of myriad journalists who descended on Cuba to cover the exciting changes in the island.

In this series, Victor Gamma returns and considers how the US misjudged Fidel Castro. Here, we look at how the US intervened in other places in the 1950s, and its pre-Cuban Revolution attempts to understand Fidel Castro’s beliefs.

Fidel Castro with his in the Sierra Maestra, Cuba. December 1956.

In April 1959, Castro visited the United States itself, where he appeared on popular American TV shows, gave talks at Harvard and was buoyed aloft on the shoulders of an admiring audience. In the US he generally received royal treatment wherever he went. This included children sporting Castro beards and other manifestations of Castro-mania. This is strange considering the fact that his mortal enemy, Batista, enjoyed the full backing of the US but a few months before.

As we all know, this “honeymoon” period did not last. Before the end of that year, relations between the US and Castro deteriorated beyond the point of no return. The point is: if we had a more clear idea of his ideology, if he were a communist or might become one and would become an ally of the Soviet Union, we would have been justified in acting decisively to keep him from power. An operation similar to that carried out in Guatemala in 1954 or Iran in 1952 could have been mounted. In the tense competition with the Soviet Union, it was imperative to prevent a communist government 90 miles from American shores. But without a clear understanding of Castro's ideology and/or future plans no firm policy was formulated. Instead, US policy would evolve in reaction to Castro's moves. The result of that policy was that in less than two years diplomatic ties between the United States and Cuba severed and relations degenerated into clandestine warfare. Subsequently, Cuba under Castro became a disaster for U.S. foreign policy for decades. Why did the US allow such a hostile regime to take hold so close to our shores? Why were US policy makers not clear on what Castro’s motives were or what the nature of his ideology was until too late? How did we miss the warning signs?

The problem began towards the end of the Batista regime. By 1957, after almost two decades of unwavering support of Cuban regimes, the State Department began to have doubts about continued support of Batista. Batista’s efforts to label Castro as a communist and tool of Moscow failed to gain Eisenhower’s continued support. In the corridors of power, criticism of America’s Cuban policy became more vocal. Such sentiments were even becoming a matter of public record. On August, 17, 1958, Henry Wriston, president of the Council on Foreign Relation appeared on the Mike Wallace Interview. He openly uttered such anti-Batista statements as “we don't like Batista'' and “we would be delighted to see Batista and Trujillo (the dictator of Guatemala) overthrown.” The US went beyond mere distaste. In March,1958 Eisenhower stopped sending arms to Batista, “Obviously Castro had won the emotional support of the Cuban people,” he said later in justification. The CIA had even actually begun supporting opposition movements in hopes of getting rid of an increasingly unpopular dictator. 

The US and Castro

The US enjoyed major success in sponsoring overthrows of regimes in places as diverse as Guatemala and Iran. Unlike in those countries, however, the US had no plan about whom to replace Batista with. To complicate matters, the insurrection movements prowling around in the mountains and jungles of eastern Cuba were of uncertain ideology and attitudes toward the US - and time was running out. Castro’s group, called the “26th of July Movement,” which was the most important of the various anti-Batista movements, threatened yet another violent overthrow of a Cuban government. By the summer of 1958 it was becoming clear that his regimes’ days were numbered. What should US policy be? Some feared that if something were not done soon the threat of violent revolution would materialize and replace Batista with an even worse (and leftist) government. Since Castro was likely to be an increasingly dominant force, it was vital to decide whether to support him or keep him from power.

What did the US know of Castro? Much knowledge came not from official government efforts but enterprising journalists. The long struggle by the barbudos (bearded ones) attracted much sympathy from the American press, Chief among these was New York Times reporter Herbert Matthews. Castro had been reported killed by the Batista regime. But Matthews was able to locate him. After some days with Castro, Matthews sent his report to the Times. On February 24, 1957, the world was electrified by the news: “Fidel Castro, the rebel leader of Cuba’s youth, is alive and fighting hard and successfully in the rugged, almost impenetrable fastnesses of the Sierra Maestra, at the southern tip of the island.” Along with the report Matthew provided the rebel leader’s signature as proof. The article gushed with praise, included a description of Castro as an “educated, dedicated fanatic, a man of ideals, of courage and of remarkable qualities of leadership.” He had not only dramatically revealed that Castro was not dead, he successfully portrayed him in a way that garnered widespread interest and sympathy from readers across the country. Even more importantly for US policy, he also denied that Castro was a communist or that communists were a significant force in his movement. Such reporting built a groundswell of support among the American public.

Less supportive of America

But if the US had done a profile on the indefatigable rebel, they would have known that he blamed the US for many of Cuba’s problems. At his trial in 1952 he defended himself and used the courtroom as a platform to promote his views. Included in his diatribe were such statements as “The United Fruit Company owns land the north to the south socast in Orient Province-but two hundred thousand Cuban families there don’t own an inch of land!” His villains were companies and landowners. As it was, the CIA psychological profile on Castro did not appear until December 1961, much too late. 

During this time, the American embassy in Havana was not much help. From the years 1953-57 under Ambassador Arthur Gardner, strict orders to avoid contact with anti-Batista movements were in force, effectively thwarting any chance to learn more about Castro. Not only that, such a policy put the CIA in an awkward position. It could not utilize embassy personnel and interfered with intelligence gathering. To overcome this problem, that spring of 1957 Washington sent an official fact-finding mission to Cuba to find out more about Castro. After obtaining Ambassador Gardner’s cooperation, the mission, led by CIA officer Lyman B. Kirkpatrick, Jr. set out to fill in the gaps of knowledge about the opposition to Batista. The delegation spent most of its time in Santiago de Cuba, the main town of Castro's home province, Oriente. Here they hoped to obtain first-hand information about Castro's character and philosophy. Basically, the mission did not discover anything alarming about Castro. He came from a large, wealthy land-owning family. He had attended parochial schools, gone to college, and enjoyed baseball. His former teachers had nothing but good to say about him, “He was a good Catholic boy,” said one. Others insisted that he could not possibly be a communist. The team felt that the rebel movement simply reflected the desire of Cubans to be rid of dictatorship and restore a functioning democracy. So as of 1958 the fog around Castro’s political leanings had still not cleared. It was known that he had been involved in leftist politics and that his movement included communists but in the words of Kirkpatrick “we were not sure whether he was an avowed Communist.” Castro himself had refused to make common cause with Cuban communists.

What do you think about American intelligence’s attempts to gather information on Fidel Castro in the 1950s? Let us know below.

Now read Victor’s series on whether Wernher von Braun was a dangerous Nazi or hero of the space race here.

Why does Vladimir Putin want to Capture Kyiv?

When the Russian Federation, on the orders of President Putin, invaded the territory of independent Ukraine on February 24, 2022, one of the main goals of the Russian troops was to conquer the capital of Ukraine - Kyiv. This attack failed and the Russian Army withdrew to concentrate on eastern Ukraine. Here, Konstant Teleshov explains why Kyiv remains an important target for Vladimir Putin.

The Baptism of Kievans by Klavdy Lebedev.

Thanks to the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian people and the competent actions of the military-political leadership of Ukraine, the Russian army suffered a humiliating defeat near Kyiv and Chernihiv during the Russo-Ukrainian War, after which it was forced to retreat at the end of March 2022.

Historical meaning

In recent years, Russian President Vladimir Putin has made the country's historical past an important element and pillar of his regime, which some political experts call Putinism. He wrote several articles, one of which is called "On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians." In this article, the Russian autocrat positions himself as a supporter of the concept of the triune Russian people, which for centuries has formed a single cultural and spiritual space of historical Russia - a large ethnocultural region in Eastern Europe, historically inhabited by three peoples - Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians.

One of the most important components of the common historical past of these three peoples is a medieval state called Kievan Rus, which existed from 862 to 1240. During its peak, Kievan Rus occupied the territory from the White Sea in the north to the Black Sea region in the south. It consists of many principalities (provinces). One of the provinces of Kievan Rus was the Grand Duchy of Vladimir, one of the parts of which was the Principality of Moscow - the future center of the Russian Empire. The Moscow principality became an independent state only in the 13th century, becoming one of, but not the only successor of Kievan Rus.

The capital of Kievan Rus, located in the north-east of Europe, was Kyiv. The modern Ukrainian capital from the second half of the 9th century has an interesting name - "the mother of Russian cities." Why did such a paradox arise? The fact is that Kyiv was first called the "mother of Russian cities" by the semi-legendary Varangian prince Oleg, who seized power in this city in 882. This is written in the chronicle "The Tale of Bygone Years", which is dated to the 12th century.

Thus, Kyiv was declared the political, cultural, economic and religious center of Kievan Rus. The name "mother of Russian cities" is similar in its meaning to the expression "mother of all cities", which is used to characterize Jerusalem as the religious center of the world. In fact, the “mother of cities” is a calque from the Greek word “metropolis”, which was used to denote a capital city.

It turns out that the real spiritual and cultural center of Russia is located in Kyiv, and not in Moscow, which is about 7 centuries younger than the capital of Ukraine. Thus, the Russian Federation is a unique country that has no control over its spiritual and historical capital. In my opinion, this is fair, since the modern Russian army has nothing to do with the army of Kievan Rus, which was one of the strongest in Europe. Russian soldiers behave like cowardly barbarians, which is also unworthy of the army of the state, which considers itself the successor of Kievan Rus. Whereas the daughters of Yaroslav the Wise (one of the most prominent rulers in the history of Kievan Rus) were more educated than European kings.

Considering all of the above, the desire to capture Kyiv fits into the ideological concept of "gathering Russian lands", which was used by all Russian princes, tsars and emperors to seize new lands since the 13th century. President Putin clearly wants to go down in history as a great ruler of Russia, such as Ivan "The Terrible" IV, Peter I and Catherine II. All of them significantly expanded the territory of Russia, and Putin, using false accusations against Ukraine of Nazism, came up with a pretext for the invasion under the guise of protecting the Russian-speaking population from genocide, also wanting to remain in the history of his country as a brilliant strategist and commander.

However, Russia does not deserve to own Kyiv. This city is used to being the center of one of the most developed European countries, while the Russian Federation is clearly not one of them. Kyiv will never want to be part of the "Russian world", which brings with it only destruction, death and lack of culture.

Strategic importance

The Ukrainian capital is also of great strategic importance. It is located on the banks of the largest river in Ukraine called the Dnieper. During the time of Kievan Rus, it was through Kyiv that the famous trade route "from the Varangians to the Greeks" passed, which connected the Baltic states and the Byzantine Empire.

Today Kyiv is the most important economic, political and military center of Ukraine. Of course, the capture of the capital of a neighboring state would greatly strengthen Russia's position in negotiations with Ukraine, but this did not happen, because Kyiv has long been a quality fortress. For example, the German Army was able to capture Kyiv only after 3 months of siege, having suffered huge losses in 1941.

Psychological factor

The capture of Kyiv, according to the plan of the Russian military-political leadership, was supposed to psychologically break the spirit of Ukrainian resistance to the invaders. For example, they could start spreading fake news that President Zelensky has fled or been assassinated. However, the Russian military failed to understand the psychology of the Ukrainians. They never understood that the city would be defended to the last Ukrainian soldier.

The fact is that in Russia almost all regions are completely subordinated to the capital Moscow. However, in Ukraine, each region is able to independently make decisions and defend itself. That is why, even if the Russian military managed to temporarily capture Kyiv and kill the military-political leadership of Ukraine, they would not be able to break the spirit of the Ukrainian people.

What do you think about President Putin’s motives for wanting to capture Kyiv? Let us know below.

Now read Konstant’s article on the history of confrontation between Russia and Ukraine here.