Independence in Colombia: The Crossing Paths of Francisco de Miranda and Simon Bolivar

By the latter half of the 17th century, the rule of Spain in the New World was reaching 200 years. Times were changing, both in the New World and in Europe, and the leaders of Spain knew it. Their problem was what to do about it. Spain had never had a coherent policy in its imperial rule. Since 1492, Spain was seemingly constantly at war, with an endless series of crises thrown into the mix. Solutions had to be found for the here and now, the future would take care of itself.

Erick Redington continues his look at the independence of Spanish America by looking at Francisco de Miranda and Simon Bolivar. He looks at how they both wanted independence from Spain, but came from different generations - one an elder statesman, the other an idealist revolutionary

If you missed them, Erick’s article on the four viceroyalties is here, Francisco de Miranda’s early life is here, his travels in Europe and the US is here, and his later years is here. Then, you can read about the Abdications of Bayonne here, the start of the Mexican War of Independence here, how Hidalgo continued the war here, the impact of José Morelos here, and the changes of the 1810s here, and Mexico’s sudden independence here, and Colombia’s Revolt of the Comuneros here.

Francisco de Miranda by Martin Tovar y Tovar.

Miranda the Gadfly

Unlike the other pre-Bayonne viceroyalties, Gran Colombia had a small independentist movement. This can be ascribed to the workings of one man: Francisco de Miranda. Although a very thorough series about his life can be found here, an abbreviated version is in order.

Miranda was born in Caracas in 1750 to parents who did not quite fit into the city’s socioeconomic structure. On a racial and class basis, the Mirandas did not have a comfortable life due to persecution by the city’s Basque, old-money elites. This caused a great deal of resentment for Miranda. His father had been forced to sacrifice his military position and a significant part of his wealth refuting accusations of “racial impurity”.

Resentment against the colonial structure that enabled the Byzantine rules of New Granada made the decision to leave the colony easy for Miranda. After serving in the Spanish army in North Africa fighting the Moors and in the Caribbean and North America during the America Revolution, he was caught up in some illegal business deals, and potential spying, and became an object of suspicion for the Spanish colonial authorities who ordered his arrest. Miranda fled first to the United States and then to Europe.

While in Europe, Miranda met many of the most prominent people of the time, from William Pitt the Younger to Catherine the Great. When the French Revolution broke out, Miranda, a student of the Enlightenment, enthusiastically joined the French army and was made a general. As the French Revolution ate its own, Miranda got swept up in the persecution and was briefly put in prison, though he was later released and fled to Britain.

With his previous contacts and notoriety as a friend of seemingly every prominent person in Europe at the time, Miranda was able to leverage his contacts to fulfill his dream of liberating his homeland from the oppression of Spain. At the time, Spain was allied to Revolutionary France, and Miranda very pointedly told the British government that if they supported him with money, ships, and men, he could lead a revolutionary movement against Spain, deprive a British enemy of their most lucrative colonies by igniting a hemispheric revolutionary movement, and open the area to increased British commerce. Seemingly constantly, Miranda would come up with new plans and memoranda and send them off to Prime Minister Pitt looking for more of everything for his revolutionary projects. Eventually, he would tire of waiting on the British and returned to the United States to reignite his contacts there.

In 1806, Miranda, with alleged support from the administration of Thomas Jefferson, organized several ships and a few hundred volunteers and attempted an invasion of New Granada, landing at Coro. A British ship and some Royal Marines helped in the attack. It was a total catastrophe. Ashore for not even two weeks, Miranda would retreat back to the safety of his ships when Spanish troops arrived, and the expedition broke up.

Back in Britain, Miranda, having shown himself to be a man of action, began to receive real support from the British government. After a failed invasion of the Viceroy of Rio de la Plata that was defeated mostly by local forces, the British realized they needed the support of the local populace. Here is where the British thought Miranda would be useful. Still with contacts in New Granada, Miranda could be used to set the stage for local support for a British invasion of the colony. Being unable to directly strike the Napoleonic juggernaut, the British could strike at the soft underbelly of the Napoleonic system, the Spanish Empire.

Chaos of Bayonne

The stage had been set. A large British army under the command of General Arthur Wellesley was all ready to go. Miranda would go as well to lead his people. Then, the Abdications of Bayonne happened. Spain was no longer a British enemy. With now-King Ferdinand a prisoner of the French, the new revolutionary Junta that claimed to be leading Spain in his name was an ally. Additionally, that army now needed to be used in Iberia, not all the way in South America.

As in the other viceroyalties, the Abdications of Bayonne created chaos. Few wanted to accept the new King José I of Spain (Joseph Bonaparte). The Junta in Spain claimed authority over the colonies, but as the colonists saw it, by what right? If the Spanish people could rise up against the usurper, they could rise up as well to defend their rights.

By 1810, Juntas began forming in the colonies. The Supreme Junta of Caracas, like the Junta of Seville, declared itself the supreme government of all of the Captaincy-General of Venezuela. What was interesting was that the Junta only claimed to represent Venezuela, just one constituent part of the whole of New Granada. Officially the Junta was simply a sort of regency for the captive King Ferdinand. It was on this basis that the Junta requested help from the British. See, they were not rebelling against Britain’s ally Spain, they were fighting for King Ferdinand, and the British should help them succeed. It was just obvious. The diplomatic mission sent over to Britain by the Junta toed this line until a young hothead in the delegation, a man named Simón Bolívar, ranted to the British diplomats about how Venezuela should be free and independent.

Bolívar Meets Miranda

The meeting between Bolívar and Miranda would be a crossroads in both of their lives. Here was Miranda, the elder statesman. French revolutionary, Spanish-American revolutionary, world traveler, and supposed lover of Catherine the Great. Bolívar was a young idealist. The first “great man” he worshipped was Napoleon, but Bonaparte had betrayed his ideals, in Bolívar’s mind, when he crowned himself. Now, here was Miranda, the man who had been fighting to make America free since almost before Bolívar was born.

Bolívar’s Early Life

Like Miranda, Bolívar was from Caracas, having been born there in 1783. Unlike Miranda, Bolívar’s family was descended from the group of Basques that dominated the high society of Caracas. Although he was born into one of the wealthiest families in the Americas, tragedy struck early in Bolívar’s life. His father died when he was only 3 years old, and he would go on to be raised by relatives away from his siblings. He would be sent to live with his uncle, Carlos Palacios y Blanco, whom Bolívar would despise since he was convinced that the man was only after the family’s inheritance.

Carlos Palacios knew he had to at least do the bare minimum to show he was caring for his nephew, so he sent him to school. From there, he would meet one of the formative people in his life, Simón Rodriguez. Rodriguez was a liberal who believed in independence for Venezuela. He would be considered one of the earliest influences on Bolívar’s political upbringing.

First Taste of Revolution

Eventually, Bolívar would run away from his uncle’s care and fled to live with his sister and her husband. Not particularly wanting the very defiant and unruly boy hanging around too much, his sister arranged for Bolívar to move in with Simón Rodriguez to further his education. Rodriguez would teach the boy the values of the Enlightenment that we so much in vogue at the time. Bolívar, being a naturally defiant child, eagerly lapped up the philosophies that taught questioning established authorities and the vaguely libertarian outlook that early Enlightenment philosophers held.

Bolívar’s political education would end prematurely in 1797. Rodriguez was caught up in what was called the Gual and España conspiracy, named after two of the leaders. This conspiracy sought to throw off, what they saw, as the shackles then in place in Venezuela. Although the exact details of the conspiracy are shrouded by the mists of time and unclear, what is clear is that the basis for this movement was a checklist of Enlightenment philosophies: free trade and the elimination of tariffs and burdensome taxes, elimination of the tribute that Indians were required to pay, the immediate and total abolition of slavery, and complete racial equality. Independence for Venezuela was not an explicit goal; neither was republicanism. It was also not explicitly anti-Spanish, as many later rebellions would be. The conspirators believed that the interests of all people in Venezuela were in alignment and that no Venezuelan was an enemy.

While the conspiracy was broken up with ease by the colonial authorities, it did show that even at this early time, Venezuela was a hotbed of dissent. Simón Rodriguez would be exiled to Europe and Bolívar’s formal education in Venezuela was at an end. After a brief stint in the colonial militia, he would be sent by Carlos Palacios to Madrid to continue school. While in Madrid, Bolívar’s education would be broadened to create a more well-rounded education.

In the Belly of the Beast

His time in Madrid would be tumultuous. He stayed with his uncle, Esteban Palacios, who recognized almost right away that, although Bolívar came from an aristocratic family of means, his education was terrible. His uncle set about remaking his young ward. Bolívar was taught not just better grammar and spelling, but also how to dress, speak, and act as a member of his class and station. Part of this effort was getting Bolívar recognized at court. One of Esteban Palacios’ acquaintances in Madrid was a young man of the royal guard named Manuel Mallo.

The Spanish royal court at the turn of the 19th century was a sad parody of royalty. The Queen of Spain, Maria Luisa was the power in the country. It would be generous to call King Carlos IV dim. He was a man completely out of his depth ruling a country and had no discernable self-awareness. Maria Luisa was a woman with no beauty or charm, but she was strong-willed and pursued what she wanted. Two things she valued most of all were power and young, handsome men. For a young man with ambition and good looks, an appointment to the royal guard was also a ticket to the queen’s bedchamber and, subsequently, wealth and power. By this point in the story, she had already convinced her husband to elevate Manuel Godoy from said bedchamber to the prime ministership of the empire. Carlos was probably the only person in the court who was unaware of where Godoy’s rapid rise came from. While Bolívar was in Madrid, the queen cast her eye on Manuel Mallo. He was showered with wealth and power, with the king none the wiser. This relationship was Bolívar’s entry to the court.

Although Bolívar would be expelled from the court for a time for wearing diamonds to a reception, which was forbidden without express permission, his time at court was formative. He became acquainted with the heir to the Spanish throne, Prince Ferdinand, the future Ferdinand VII. There was a story that one day, Bolívar went to the royal palace to visit Ferdinand and they decided to play a game of badminton together. During the game, the shuttlecock came down and hit Ferdinand on the head. As everyone around laughed at the situation, Ferdinand became so embarrassed and angry that he refused to continue to play. Only by his mother shaming him, and her demand that Ferdinand be hospitable, was Ferdinand convinced to continue.

Eventually, Manuel Mallo fell out of the queen’s favor. When he was arrested, Esteban Palacios decided that this would be a good time to take Bolívar out of Madrid and away from court. One can only imagine how much damage close familiarity with the court in Madrid did to Bolívar’s loyalty to the crown. Indeed, Bolívar got a good look at how the Spanish court ran at this time, and it would color his views on both monarchies and the mother country.

A Match Made in Heaven

One thing Bolívar left in Madrid was love. He had met María Teresa Rodríguez del Toro during his time in the capital. She was also from New Granada, and she was a cousin to one of Bolívar’s childhood friends. They had become close during this time, but Bolívar’s abrupt exit from Madrid did not dampen his love for her. When he was able to return In April 1802, Bolívar immediately applied for a marriage license and he and María were married.

With his new bride in tow, and feeling his education complete, Bolívar decided to go back to New Granada. When the new, happy couple arrived, he reconnected with all of his old friends and acquaintances in Caracas. A grand future awaited the couple, splitting time between Bolívar’s estate at San Mateo growing indigo and cacao, and the city of Caracas. For Bolívar, who had grown up being passed around amongst family members who cared more for the inheritance he had than him as a human being, he felt reborn with the sanctity that a marriage of true love can bring. A comfortable life as a wealthy aristocrat awaited the Bolívars.

The Turning Point

Unfortunately, María contracted yellow fever (most likely) soon after arriving in New Granada. After only eight months of marriage, María passed away on January 22, 1803. She was only 21 years old.

For Bolívar, this was devastating. He had finally given his heart to another person after the chaos of his childhood, and now the love of his life was gone in the blink of an eye. Some close to him feared that he might even take his own life. His brother believed that Bolívar was going to go mad from anger and grief. Although he would reach the other side of the dark night, Bolívar emerged a changed man. It was the death of María that would change the trajectory of Bolívar’s life. Prior to her death, he would have been perfectly happy and contented to continue on with the empty-headed life of a colonial aristocrat, achieving prosperity and little more. Now, the nervous energy needed an outlet somewhere. It was this event that placed him on the road to being the Bolívar the Liberator.

What do you think of the Revolt of the Comuneros? Let us know below.

Now, read about Francisco Solano Lopez, the Paraguayan president who brought his country to military catastrophe in the War of the Triple Alliance here.

Independence in Colombia: New Granada’s Revolt of the Comuneros

By the latter half of the 17th century, the rule of Spain in the New World was reaching 200 years. Times were changing, both in the New World and in Europe, and the leaders of Spain knew it. Their problem was what to do about it. Spain had never had a coherent policy in its imperial rule. Since 1492, Spain was seemingly constantly at war, with an endless series of crises thrown into the mix. Solutions had to be found for the here and now, the future would take care of itself.

Erick Redington continues his look at the independence of Spanish America by looking at the 1781 revolt of the comuneros. The revolt was an uprising in New Granada, modern dat Colombia and some of Venezuela. It happened due taxation increases, but importantly was seen as a sign of what was to happen in later years.

If you missed them, Erick’s article on the four viceroyalties is here, Francisco de Miranda’s early life is here, his travels in Europe and the US is here, and his later years is here. Then, you can read about the Abdications of Bayonne here, the start of the Mexican War of Independence here, how Hidalgo continued the war here, the impact of José Morelos here, and the changes of the 1810s here, and Mexico’s sudden independence here.

Manuel Antonio Flórez, Viceroy of New Granada from 1776 to 1781.

New Granada: Colonial Afterthought

For Spain, New Granada was always a backwater. Lacking the gold of New Spain and the silver of Peru, New Granada was never a priority for colonial authorities. It was an afterthought and, when thought of, it was as a cash cow. By the late 18th century, the small amount of gold that had once been mined in the provinces of Popayán, Chocó, and Antioquia was all gone. It was a colonial posting on the ladder to other colonial postings.

The Spanish government had problems figuring out what to do about the colony. They could not even decide what constituted the colony. The Viceroyalty of New Grenada was created in 1719, dissolved in 1724, and recreated in 1739. Venezuela was bounced between New Spain and New Granada. The inland border was ill-defined, and the southern border with Peru was barely mapped.

The Bourbon Reforms attempted to bring order out of the disheveled mess that was Spanish colonial administration. This led to a series of competent viceroys arriving in the colony. Men such as Manuel Antonio Flores, Antonio Caballero y Góngora, and José de Ezpeleta, did show that they could progressively bring improvements to the colony. None stayed longer than seven years, however, preventing any long-term improvements.

Spain Humiliated

By the mid-1700s, Spain had been licking its wounds from a series of wars lost to Britain and her allies. Humiliation after humiliation was eroding the legitimacy of the empire. Every few years seemed to bring another defeat. The predator that was the First British Empire had caught the smell of death on what they saw as their prey, the Spanish Empire. During the War of Jenkins’ Ear, Admiral Vernon attempted to take New Granada from Spain. Although he failed in the attempt, it was a warning to Madrid that something had to be done in New Granada. The other lesson was that Britain needed to be put in its place.

The revolution in Britain’s American colonies presented an opportunity for revenge. This time, unlike in previous wars, the British were having problems subduing their colonies. French money, guns, and especially gunpowder had kept the rebels in the field. With the intervention of France in the American War of Independence, the British now had to suppress their colonies and defeat their ancient enemy. For the first time in decades, Britain seemed vulnerable. With Britain so distracted, perhaps Spain could finally defeat Britain and get back some of the territories that it had lost in previous wars, such as Gibraltar, Minorca, and Florida.

Allying with a rebellious colony was not acceptable to Spain. Allying with France, on the other hand, was old hat by the 1770s. Carlos III and the rest of the Spanish government were determined on going to war. This was a chance that perhaps would not occur again. However, to fight a war, you need money, something Spain did not have much of. Through centuries of gross mismanagement, Spain did not have enough money to defend its empire and fight yet another war with Britain. More money needed to be found, defenses had to be fitted quickly, and ships had to be built so that Spain would not miss its window of opportunity.

The Engine of War is Money

It was decided to increase taxes on the colonies. With little sense of proportion, these taxes were levied and fell very heavily on New Granada. Taxes on everyday commodities were (and still are) popular since the tax base is so broad; therefore, they increased taxes on tobacco. Brandy was taxed to get money from the wealthy and aguardiente was taxed to squeeze the poor. Import taxes were increased. Poll taxes were levied to make sure everyone paid their fair share. Laws against tax evasion were tightened and the authorities cracked down on smuggling, further increasing prices for those who could not afford it.

Smuggling was endemic in Spain’s colonies as the government had few funds to pay for the fleets and the army of customs officials needed to stop the smugglers. Now, Spain was building a fleet for war and this fleet could also be used to reduce smuggling as well as for coastal defense. More royal monopolies were created to bring revenue directly to the crown, but also, again, raising prices due to a lack of competition. That competition, the colonial-born middle classes and those who strive to better their lot through hard work and natural brilliance, were now shut out from yet another avenue to rise in society. Even the natives were not exempt. They had always been exempted from sales taxes. Now, the crown would tax all transactions.

The people were tired of mismanagement and now they had to pay for a war they neither wanted a part of nor cared about. A perfect storm was being created. A large empire was being distracted by a foreign war while at the same time driving discontent among the very people that were expected to support that war.

In early 1781, small acts of defiance throughout the colony began to coalesce into a larger movement. One of the biggest losers in the new taxes, the colony’s taverns, became hives of dissent as people grumbled about paying higher prices for the alcohol and tobacco that were, in many cases, the only outlets in their hard and dreary lives. Out of these taverns, people began organizing and choosing leaders. These organized bodies began to be known as communes.

Resistance Begins

North of Bogotá, Manuela Beltrán, a store owner from Villa del Socorro was growing more and more frustrated. An extreme anomaly in New Granada, Manuela was a woman who owned her own business. She was also able to read and write, which was exceptionally uncommon for the area as illiteracy was near-universal in the region. As one of the few people who could read, she took upon herself the duty of reading out newly published decrees to the people of her town.

On March 16, 1781, she read a decree on the new taxes that were decreed by the colonial government. As she read, the crowd began grumbling and showing its displeasure. Being angered herself, she tore down the proclamation to the cheers of the crowd. This act in itself was an act of treason, and the die was now cast. Manuela had started a rebellion.

The rising in Villa del Socorro led to armed uprisings in the surrounding areas. The people began striking throughout the area north of Bogotá. Their demands were familiar to colonial rebellions, the repeal of unwanted taxes, and colonial access to appointments in the administration. Surprisingly, they also called for the protection of traditional rights and privileges for the natives. This was a movement that had tapped into discontent among all social classes in the region. This led to a large force of disparate people coming together who had, hitherto, been divided along racial and class lines.

The rebels, now under the leadership of Juan Francisco Berbeo, began a march on Bogotá. The colonial authorities assumed that this was just a mass of angry peasants and sent a small force out to disperse the rebels. They did not know that the rebels now numbered in the 10,000-20,000 range. The colonial force was easily pushed aside.

Success!

Here was an existential threat. An army of this size could easily take Bogotá and potentially cause the whole colony to rise. Despite calling for help from other areas of the empire, the colonial authorities in Bogotá could not guarantee help would come. The American Revolution had transformed into a world war with battles being fought from North America to Africa to India.

If Bogotá fell, and with it New Granada, there was no guarantee that Spain would be able to retake the colony. The rebels could even potentially receive aid from the British in a bit of turnabout. Extreme measures had to be taken. Unexpectedly, brutal repression was not the chosen route. When the rebel army arrived just outside Bogotá, the colonial authorities decided to negotiate.

The rebels could scarcely believe their luck. The colonial authorities not only agreed with their grievances almost immediately, they also agreed to repeal all of the laws that caused such problems in the first place. The onerous taxes would be repealed. All these promises were not just made, the colonial authorities also agreed to put it all in writing! The dreams of the rebels had come true. Bad government would be removed from the colony, and everyone would live happily ever after. They had won. They had not even had to storm Bogotá, which would have probably been bloody for everyone concerned. This war for their rights was over. Everyone could go home.

The Inevitable Backlash

The rebel force now began to disperse. There was no reason to remain as a unified force since they had achieved everything they set out to do. Thinking they had won and letting their guard down, they moved toward home. Then the reinforcements the colonial authorities had called for (but not really expected) at the beginning of the rebellion arrived. The authorities that had made the agreement with the rebels had declared that, as an agreement made under duress is no agreement at all, it was all void.

The reinforcements were let loose on the now-dispersed rebels. City after city was occupied and known rebels were rooted out and executed. Through a reign of terror, people began selling out their neighbors to save themselves. A culture of denunciation further embittered the populace. All of the hated taxes were enforced as harshly as they could be as much out of a sense of vengeance as for maximizing revenue. Some of the rebels attempted to reconstitute themselves under the leadership of a man named José Antonio Galán. These would fight on for a while but would be captured and executed in the end.

A Sign of Things to Come

The Revolt of the Comuneros was a sad affair that left little but burning memories of hatred and grievance behind it. There were many parallels in it to the later rising under Hidalgo in New Spain. A charismatic leader leading a cross-class movement full of idealistic vigor marching on the capital. Like Hidalgo later, this group also hesitated when it was time to strike. Like their cousins to the north, the New Granadans probably could have taken their capital. They showed their naiveté by buying into everything the colonial authorities told them. It all seemed too good to be true—because it was. Like Hidalgo, the backlash was terrible and resulted in terrible death and destruction.

Unlike Hidalgo, the time was not right. Although the rebellion of the British North American colonies could have served as an example of something more, the elements of later rebellions were not there yet. The Spanish government was still intact, and in fact, would be part of the victorious alliance with France and the Dutch Republic during the American War of Independence. Spain still had the ability to project power and enforce its rule in the colonies. Though a rickety structure, the Spanish Empire would stand…for now.

What do you think of the Revolt of the Comuneros? Let us know below.

Now, read about Francisco Solano Lopez, the Paraguayan president who brought his country to military catastrophe in the War of the Triple Alliance here.

The Latin American Wars for Independence: What is the Background to Colombia’s Independence from Spain?

The Latin American wars for independence were perhaps the most important series of events that occurred on the American continent during the early part of the 19th century. From around 1810 to the 1820s, the dominance of Spain over much of the continent was broken, and many new republican states were created.

The enormous extension of the territory dominated by Spain led to the formation of many autonomous territories that approached the independence question in different ways, each one with their own kinds of social struggles, cultural identities, political complexities and economic structures.

In this series of articles, we will approach the independence wars in the northern part of South America, in the territory that would become the Republic of Colombia. We will look through the reasons that this specific land had for independence, and the many different events that led to the final formation of the new republican state.

Guillermo Morales explains.

Pedro Messia de la Cerda, Viceroy of New Granada from 1761 to 1773.

The Spanish Empire

To understand the series of events that resulted in the independence struggle, first it is important to understand the political, social and economic structures that existed in the region when it was a colony of the Spanish Empire.

The territory that would later become Colombia, in those times was known as the ‘Nuevo Reino de Granada’ (New Kingdom of Granada). After the Spanish conquest over the many native kingdoms that existed in the region, they established a governorship that was dependent on the viceroyalty of Peru. But in 1717, King Phillip V decided to create a new viceroyalty aside from the already existing ones in Mexico and Peru, so their American colonies, and the multiple riches in them, could be better administered. The viceroyalty of Nueva Granada existed at first from 1717 to 1723, when it was temporally abolished, but it was reinstated in 1739.

The viceroyalty was governed by a viceroy designated directly by the king. He was usually a military commander born in the Spanish peninsula, and who usually had never lived on the land he was to rule.  Alongside the viceroy a court body called the ‘Real Audiencia’ (Royal Audience) governed over the colony. Their members were called the ‘oidores’ (hearers) and their function was to apply the law of the kingdom over the viceroyalty.

The government was based in the city of Santa Fe de Bogota, high on the Andean mountains, in the center of what used to be the kingdom of the Muisca. The city was located near the center of the viceroyalty, and access to it was usually difficult. From the Caribbean coast travelers had to navigate through the broad Magdalena River, which went through dense jungles, and from there, ascend to the mountains on mules, horses or ‘silleteros’ (natives who carried chairs on their backs for travelers to sit on).

Another important city in the viceroyalty was the walled city of Cartagena, which was located along the Caribbean coast, and was one of the main ports in the American colonies, being a place where merchants sent gold, silver and jewels to Spain, or received slaves for the haciendas and mines in the colony. Also on the Caribbean coast was the port of Santa Marta, the oldest city in the colony. Down the Magdalena River were the river ports of Mompox and Honda, and located on the Andean cordilleras were the cities of Ocaña, Pamplona, Cucuta, Socorro, Tunja, Popayan, Cali and Pasto. There was also the port of Buenaventura on the Pacific coast. On the east of the Andean cordillera there were the so called ‘llanos orientales’ (eastern plains), an enormous extension of plains that were mostly uninhabited, with the exception of natives, ranchers called ‘llaneros’ (plain men), and missionaries trying to convert the natives to Catholicism.

Officially the territory of the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada comprised what now are the countries of Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador, but the latter territories had a large degree of autonomy. Venezuela, with its capital in the city of Caracas, was governed by a Captain General designated by the king, so the region was named the ‘Capitania General de Venezuela’. Ecuador (which was known then as Quito, the same name as its capital city), had their own Audiencia, with its president as the main authority over the territory, so for this reason this region was known as the ‘Presidencia de Quito’.

Structure of Society

The Spanish conquerors, facing the enormous diversity found in the colony (white Europeans, native Americans, black slaves and people of mixed origins), built a heavily structured social pyramid based on the so called ‘pureza de sangre’ (blood purity). This system came from the times of the Spanish ‘Reconquista’ when the European Spaniards were at war with the Muslim ‘moors’ on the Iberian Peninsula. When they had control of all of the peninsula, they tried to differentiate themselves from the Muslim and Jewish people that still lived there, and also from the ones who converted to Catholicism, called ‘conversos’, who were mistrusted. They brought the same idea to the American colonies, but now differentiated the white Europeans from the Native Americans and the African slaves.

For this reason, the Spanish designated different names and scales of ‘mestizaje’ (mixed-blood), given that the conquistadors had a lot of children with the natives and the African slaves. For example, the child of a Spaniard and a native would be a ‘mestizo’, the child of a Spaniard and an African would be a ‘mulatto’, the child of an native and an African would be a ‘zambo’, the child of a mestizo and a Spaniard would be a ‘castizo’, the child of a mestizo and a native a ‘cholo’, and so on.

Usually the white Europeans represented the higher aristocratic class, while the mixed people and the natives represented a lower class, and the Africans were relegated to the lowest slave class. This was translated in the design of the cities, with the higher class living near the city main square, and the rest living in the outskirts of the city.

The race based system was used by the authorities to determine who was allowed in certain political, military or religious posts; whose children were allowed to enter in the important schools of the colonies; or who could buy an aristocratic title. For this, meticulous investigations over people’s lineage were made, so it could be determined that there was no ‘mala sangre’ (bad blood) in them. Because of this, many paid to erase any undesirable bad blood from their family trees.

The sole fact of being born on the colonies and not on the Spanish peninsula could reduce someone’s status. The criollos (white people who were descendants from Spaniards, but were born in the ‘Indies’), normally shared the same privileges as the peninsular whites, but they were not the preferred option for higher political posts, like oidor of the Real Audiencia, or viceroy. If they went to the Peninsula, they were treated as less than the Spanish-born whites, and called the disdainful title ‘manchado de la tierra’ (stained by the land).

But life was worse for mixed people, Africans, and natives. Native numbers were severely reduced after the ‘Conquista’ because of the brutality of the war, the introduced diseases and the forced labor that they had to do for the Spanish.  Still, the Spanish Crown tried to protect them from total annihilation, passing laws that forced the conquistadors not to mistreat them, and giving them some land, called ‘Resguardos’. Their towns were separated from the European cities, and were called ‘pueblos de indios’.

Black Africans had it even worse. As they were slaves, they were forced into brutal conditions on the mines or the haciendas. Many Spaniards considered the Africans to have no soul, so they were basically on the same level as animals, although some at least tried to give their slaves the chance to hear Mass. Some ran away from their owners, and managed to build settlements deep in the jungle, the so called ‘Palenques’, that were so distant from the European settlements, that in the end the Spanish authorities decided to leave them alone.

All this social and ethnic division led to severe tension between the different classes. For instance, the Criollos were upset that the natives were allowed to abandon the haciendas to move to the ‘Resguardos’, reducing the available workforce. Natives and Africans also mistrusted criollos, as they felt that any demand they made to the crown would be to worsen their own living conditions. This is why, later during the independence movement, some natives and Africans, disdainfully called ‘pardos’ (browns) by the whites, preferred to side with the crown. Even so, Spaniards were also severely mistrusted by the general population, who mockingly called them ‘chapetones’.

Decline of Spanish Rule

The increasing racial and social tensions, combined with the misinformed policies of the Spanish ‘Metropoli’ (the name given to the center of government), led to a path that ended in the independence wars. One of the policies was that manufactured goods were only to be produced on the Spanish peninsula, while the colonies produced raw materials that could only be sold to Spain, and not any other country. While this worked quite well in places like Peru (which was a major producer of silver), in Nueva Granada it was problematic, as there weren’t many mines for precious metal production, and the ones that existed, were located in places like the jungles of the Choco on the Pacific coast, which were far away from the major cities.

Because of this, the general population, being far away from the main economic activities of the colony, began to fall into poverty. The workers in the mines, being slaves or natives, essentially received no compensation for their work. Little wealth was produced, and when wealth was created, it was concentrated in Criollo and Spaniard aristocratic hands.

Spain established itself as the sole producer of manufactured goods for the colonies, blocking all commerce with other countries, and in general forbid the colonies from creating their own industries. Most people were unable to buy to expensive products brought from Spain, so a working class, called the ‘artesanos’ (craftsmen), supplied the general populace with products like clothing and furniture. Even so, they couldn’t create a colony based industry, as they mostly worked in an informal economy that usually was heavily restricted or even repressed by the colonial authorities.

This fragile economic system was very susceptible to any new policy implemented by Spain, like new taxes. This meant that the situation in the colonies by the end of the 18th century was very far from being stable, and that a collapse of Spanish authority would come sooner rather than later.

What do you think of the article? Let us know below.

Sources

Mejía, Germán. Historia concisa de Colombia. Bogotá: Editorial Universidad Javeriana, 2014.

Tirado Mejía, Álvaro. Nueva Historia de Colombia Tomo I. Bogotá: Editorial Planeta, 1998.

Bushnell, Davis. Colombia: a nation in spite of itself. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.

Liévano Aguirre, Indalecio. Los Grandes Conflictos Sociales y Económicos de Nuestra Historia. Bogotá: Ediciones Nueva prensa, 1960.