Most Americans today rarely think about the basic rules of food safety. Vegetables are washed before cooking. Milk is refrigerated. Kitchen counters are wiped down without much thought. Recipes come with precise measurements and expiration dates guide daily decisions. These habits feel so routine that they appear timeless, but, they are not. Here, Eric Schubert explains the important role of Sarah Tyson Rorer and America’s food safety revolution.

Sarah Tyson Rorer.

At the turn of the twentieth century Americans were navigating a food system changing faster than their understanding of it. Cities were expanding rapidly and food increasingly traveled long distances before reaching consumers. Milk, meat, and produce passed through a growing chain of handlers. Refrigeration remained limited food inspection laws were inconsistent, and germ theory was still filtering into everyday life. The consequences were immediate. Milk carried disease, meat spoiled quickly, and markets varied widely in cleanliness. For many households, the kitchen had become a place of uncertainty rather than comfort.

Long before federal agencies regulated food production and decades before food safety became government policy Americans often turned elsewhere for guidance. One of the most influential voices was Sarah Tyson Rorer, an educator, lecturer, and cookbook author who helped millions understand how food preparation sanitation and nutrition affected health. Though largely forgotten today, she helped shape what became the modern American kitchen.

 

Mrs. Rorer Arrives

Born Sarah Tyson Heston in 1849, Rorer grew up during a period when food and health were increasingly linked in public thinking. Later accounts often repeated a story that her mother used diet to manage her father’s illness. Whether fully accurate or not it reflected a broader nineteenth century belief that food could function as medicine and that the kitchen played a central role in health.

Her rise began in 1882 with the founding of the Philadelphia Cooking School. While cooking schools existed before Rorer’s institution emphasized something different. It focused on principles rather than recipes alone. Students learned nutrition sanitation household management and food preparation as part of a structured system of instruction. Cooking was reframed as discipline rather than tradition. This aligned with broader changes in American life where expertise standardization and efficiency were reshaping industry medicine and education. Rorer positioned the kitchen within that same modern framework. It was not separate from scientific progress but an extension of it applied to everyday life!

 

The Kitchen as a Laboratory

Rorer’s influence came from precision and repetition. Earlier recipes often relied on vague measures and inherited assumptions that varied widely between households. A ‘handful’ or a ‘cup’ could differ dramatically depending on the cook. Rorer replaced this uncertainty with standardized instructions and repeatable methods. Ingredients were measured carefully and procedures were written so that results could be reproduced in any home. The goal was consistency and reliability across households that shared no common training. The kitchen in her view should function with the same order and discipline as a laboratory!

In works such as Mrs. Rorer’s New Cook Book and Diet for the Sick she consistently linked food preparation to health outcomes, an example being cleanliness, freshness, and proper handling of ingredients were not optional details. They were essential to preventing illness and supporting recovery.

 

America's First Food Influencer

Rorer reached audiences far beyond Philadelphia by mastering the expanding media landscape of her time. She wrote for widely-read publications including Ladies’ Home Journal, published cookbooks that circulated nationally, delivered lectures, and conducted cooking demonstrations across the United States. Her advice reached thousands of households simultaneously and helped define how Americans understood domestic responsibility in an age of rapid change.

In effect, she became one of the first nationally recognized food authorities and dieticians in the United States. Her public presence extended to major national exhibitions, including the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition in St. Louis where ideas about modern living and domestic science were showcased on a national stage. By the early twentieth century, “Mrs. Rorer” had become a familiar name in American households.

 

 

Before Federal Regulation

Rorer’s career unfolded during a period when food regulation in the United States was still developing. Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle was not published until 1906, and meaningful federal oversight of food production would take years to fully emerge. In this gap between scientific knowledge and government regulation, education played a central role. It is why “Mrs. Rorer”, in part, was so successful. Again, all these ideas may appear ordinary today but at the time they marked a significant shift in expectations about domestic life.

 

Conclusion

By the time Sarah Tyson Rorer died in 1937 near Mount Gretna and Colebrook in Pennsylvania, the world she had helped shape was already being reorganized. Domestic science had moved into universities and home economics departments while government agencies assumed larger roles in food regulation and public health. The era of the traveling domestic educator was fading. Her influence remained visible in everyday practice, though. The expectation that recipes should be precise, that kitchens should be sanitary, and that food preparation has direct implications for health, all reflect changes she helped bring into the mainstream. “Mrs. Rorer’ did not invent modern food safety, but she played a central role in teaching Americans how to live with it.

The history of public health is often told through laboratories laws and institutions. Sarah Tyson Rorer reminds us that it was also shaped in kitchens through cookbooks lectures and the daily labor of households adapting to a rapidly changing world. Long before food safety became federal policy it became a daily practice and she helped make that possible. Her significance lay not in generating scientific breakthroughs, but in translating scientific ideas into practical household routines that ordinary families could follow.

 

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Sources

Levenstein, Harvey. Revolution at the Table The Transformation of the American Diet, Oxford University Press (1988).

Rorer, Sarah Tyson. Good Cooking. Philadelphia: Curtis Publishing Company, (1898).

Rorer, Sarah Tyson. Mrs. Rorer’s New Cook Book Arnold and Company (1902).

Rorer, Sarah Tyson. Diet for the Sick Arnold and Company (1917).

Shapiro, Laura. Perfection Salad Women and Cooking at the Turn of the Century, Farrar Straus and Giroux (1986).

The Lexington Intelligencer (August 10, 1917). Sarah Tyson Rorer: Great Food Expert.

The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection, The New York Public Library. "Sarah Tyson Heston Rorer." New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 31, 2026.

Weigley, Emma Seifrit. Sarah Tyson Rorer The Nation’s Instructress in Dietetics and Cookery American Philosophical Society (1977)

 

 

Bio:

Eric Schubert is a public historian, internationally featured genealogist, and human identification expert as seen on Good Morning America, People Magazine, and more. As a White-House Historical Association Next-Gen Leader, his public history work focuses on Presidential history and local biography topics throughout Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. His Master’s Thesis topic from Millersville University of Pennsylvania “Barr Spangler (1822-1922) and the Prohibition Party of Pennsylvania” was awarded by the Pennsylvania Historical Association, he co-wrote the award-winning documentary “The Prospect For Freedom: on Civil Rights Trailblazer W. Miller Barbour (1908-1957) while also organizing the W. Miller Barbour Lecture Series with colleague Abigail Sholes, and his research on Rorer contributed to the new biography “Sarah Tyson Rorer: The Pure Food Movement & Mount Gretna’s Rorer Hall of Cookery”.

In the first of three articles we will focus on the life of one of South America’s most famous historical personalities, Ernesto Guevara, who later became more widely known as the Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara. He was, and remains, a polemic figure in the political arena, every bit as divisive now as during his time in the Cuban Revolution and the Cold War of the 1960s. He has also become an unlikely fashion icon, his face appearing on millions of T-shirts worn by generation after generation. He has been portrayed on screen by famous actors, most notably Omar Sharif and Benicio Del Toro. His impact and legacy have divided students of history and politics alike, who view him as either a symbol of freedom or an oppressive, communist-driven tyrant. Some laud his achievements; others argue that his legend is largely a construction of propaganda and myth.

Che’s revolutionary period will be covered in a later article, but what of his life before that? We will begin with his formative years, up to the point where he set out on his first extensive travels — the journey made famous in the book “The Motorcycle Diaries.” The young man you will read about below appears very different from the figure who would later accompany Castro in the Cuban Revolution.

Steve Prout explains.

Ernesto Guevara (on the right) and Alberto Granado (left) on the "Mambo-Tango" raft on the Amazon River in 1952.

Early family life

Che Guevara was officially born Ernesto Guevara de la Serna on June 14, 1928 in Argentina. He was in fact born a month earlier, in May, but because his parents were not yet married, they persuaded a family doctor to falsify the birth certificate to spare the family social stigma. He was raised in an upper middle-class family. His father, Ernesto Guevara Lynch, was, like Che, an interesting character in his own right. Politically he leant to the left and took part in various political demonstrations. Che would later admit in his memoirs that he had a “combative” relationship with him. Ernesto Senior was highly educated and trained as an engineer, attending university but never graduating. He was also restless, embarking on a string of risky and largely unsuccessful business ventures: a yacht-building company, several construction businesses and a 500-acre yerba mate plantation on the Rio Paraná in Misiones, near the Argentine border with Paraguay. With few exceptions his ventures failed, leaving the family’s finances in a precarious position.

Che’s mother was Celia de la Serna, and her relationship with Ernesto Senior came with its share of challenges. The couple’s intended union did not, at first, get the approval of Celia’s family, who saw Ernesto Senior as unreliable and unsuitable as a husband. Their misgivings were not helped by Celia’s appeals for access to her inheritance to fund Ernesto’s ventures, which would in time prove ruinous to her own finances. They saw Ernesto Senior as a dilettante lacking genuine intentions. The family eventually gave in after the couple threatened to elope. To add to the drama, what the family did not know was that Celia, still unmarried, was already pregnant with young Ernesto.

Then, in June (officially) — or, more truthfully, May 1928 — young Ernesto, the future Che, was born. From early childhood he was sickly, plagued by asthma, a condition that would trouble him throughout his life. It did not stop him from throwing himself into school sports, often to his own detriment. This was, in fact, his attitude throughout his life: he would push on with whatever path he was on, regardless.

Young Ernesto was an avid reader, working his way through a wide range of genres when he was not throwing himself into physical pursuits ill-suited to an asthmatic, such as rugby. As a pupil he did not particularly stand out: his school grades in 1938, aged nine, were deemed simply “satisfactory”. He was an attention-seeker, often carrying out ridiculous pranks — drinking writing ink, eating chalk, or playing matador with a ram. He also took part in his father’s political demonstrations through the 1930s and 1940s.

When he was eleven years old, young Ernesto became involved in his father’s pressure group, Acción Argentina. According to his father, Che spent “all the free time he had outside his playtime and studies collaborating with us.” What exactly young Ernesto did, and the extent of his involvement, is unclear. The 1930s were a turbulent time in Europe and the Far East, and some of that turbulence reached South America. His father was firmly on the side of the anti-fascist movement, although the organisation itself was largely ineffective; Ernesto only protested at a safe distance, and it gained little traction on any single cause. Its main focus was the fear of Nazi infiltration on the South American continent. Events in the Spanish Civil War also divided Argentine opinion. Ernesto Senior himself was a staunch supporter of the Spanish Republicans against Franco, and later of the Allied cause against the Axis in the Second World War. As far as young Ernesto was concerned, however, he could detach himself from these causes as easily as he had become involved. For now, his interest in politics and political ideals lay deeply dormant.

His father, to quote one authority on Che’s family, had “an inescapable sense of Walter Mitty in him” and “desperately wished for a life of adventure and travelling.” He was full of empty boasts. On one occasion he claimed he would take up arms for Paraguay in the Chaco War with Bolivia (1932–35), but nothing came of it. The same was true of his supposed intention to intervene in the Spanish Civil War.

 

Ernesto Guevara – the student years

For now, young Ernesto concerned himself with other distractions. He was a voracious reader, and reading consumed much of his free time. His reading material was wide-ranging and advanced for his age, including works by Freud, Dumas and other heavyweight authors. His other passion in his formative years was sport. He joined a rugby team organised by Alberto Granado — an older friend, and his future travelling companion — who at first doubted Ernesto’s physical capability. He was an unlikely pick for a trial: not “robust”, and with “very thin arms”. In this period, young Che’s political activities remained minimal, apart from one incident involving Granado and a brief stint of Nazi-hunting in Argentina.

In November 1943, Alberto was arrested at a student demonstration by Argentina’s new authoritarian regime. General Pedro Ramírez had taken oppressive measures to silence any opposition, and Alberto was part of a growing protest movement. He was quickly thrown into a local jail, where young Ernesto visited him. Alberto, then aged twenty-one, asked Ernesto, then fifteen, to join his cause. Ernesto declined to take part in a march, regarding it as futile; he added that he would only join if he were given a gun, since he considered any other form of protest pointless. His political views were inconsistent, swinging between indifference and a kind of latent extremism. The two friends clearly had their political differences, but it did not harm the friendship.

While young Ernesto kept up his reading and pushed through his asthma with all kinds of sporting challenges, the wider political landscape was shifting. In the post-war period, Juan Perón was making his presence felt in Argentina under President Edelmiro Farrell, whose regime combined suspected Nazi sympathies (it later offered refuge to high-ranking Nazi war criminals) with authoritarian control. Ernesto’s family were anti-Peronist, and young Ernesto adopted the same outlook, continuing his father’s amateur Nazi-hunting with a group of old school friends. His father curiously warned him of the risks, yet Ernesto kept at it — though he “was far short of active militancy”, and his interest soon petered out. The regime remained controversial, but Che himself would later say, “I had no social preoccupations in my adolescence and no participation in the political or student struggles in Argentina.” For now, he had the normal teenage pursuits to occupy him: sport, study and, of course, the opposite sex. His distractions were everywhere except in politics.

 

Che - philosopher, engineer, medical student, traveller

As the war ended, Ernesto, now eighteen, developed a new interest in writing and philosophy. At one point he even began compiling his own philosophical dictionary, which he intended for publication. The first draft ran to 165 pages, and he would continue working on it over the next ten years. During this period his reading became more varied, and he mixed with a social circle of like-minded people on an intellectual and academic path; he was, in many ways, the quintessential student.

In 1946, as Perón took control of Argentina, Ernesto Jr. turned eighteen. It was a time of mixed personal fortunes. Still apolitical, Ernesto took his first job, although he had not yet finished his studies and intended to go further. His father arranged for him to attend a course in soil analysis, which opened a door into the road-construction business. At that point Ernesto had excelled in mathematics and the sciences and was thinking of a career in engineering. The job was a stop-gap for an undecided teenager; in the meantime, it gave him the money to enjoy his teenage years.

At home things were not so bright. The family had run into financial difficulties: Ernesto Senior had been forced to sell his plantation, and a building business he had entered had failed. With the family finances in a parlous state, they sold off their remaining assets and relocated to Buenos Aires. In the meantime, young Ernesto’s parents decided to separate. While all this was happening, young Ernesto’s grandmother, to whom he was close, died. In his sister’s words, he was so grief-stricken it “must have been one of the great sadnesses of his life.”

Amid all this turmoil, Ernesto decided on another change of career. He abandoned engineering and turned instead to medicine, enrolling at the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Buenos Aires. A number of reasons have been suggested for the switch. One is that he was looking for something meaningful after the helplessness he had felt following his grandmother’s death. Some put it down to his frustration at being unable to cure his own debilitating asthma. Others — more plausibly — trace it to his restless, indecisive temperament. This last reading is supported by his own words: he “dreamed of becoming a famous researcher…of working indefatigably to find something that would be definitively placed at the disposition of humanity”, while elsewhere he spoke of seeking a “personal triumph”. He seemed driven, in part, by ego and a desire for prominence.

Within his university circle, he was considered an oddball, an eccentric who ignored the latest fashions and was often deliberately scruffy in his appearance. He was socially awkward and a clumsy dancer — very different from the combative, confident speaker of his later political years.

In between his studies, in 1950, he tried — unsuccessfully — to set himself up as an entrepreneur, first attempting to manufacture a pesticide and then, with a friend, selling second-hand goods. Despite his intelligence, he lacked any real business acumen. That same year, he made a long solo trip around northern Argentina on a bicycle fitted with a small motor, covering over 2,000 miles before returning to his studies. The trip was largely uneventful, but it gave him a taste for further travel. He still had two years of his degree to complete, but true to form his interest was once again beginning to wane.

Of course, going into every minor detail, every failed adventure, failed relationship and passing observation would bloat this article, dilute its value, and miss the main points. The interest lies in seeing Ernesto Guevara’s life before he became that cultural yet polemic icon. The Che we know was many things by this stage, but he was far from a revolutionary. He was, in fact, an unsettled, erratic and indecisive young man, in a family that was itself anything but settled. Up to this point he had been an aspiring philosopher, engineer, entrepreneur and no doubt many other things; but, much like his father, he was unsuccessful in all of them, largely through loss of interest. Even his political dalliances suffered the same indifferent fate. Young Ernesto wanted more — he just did not yet know what “more” was.

Young Ernesto was about to embark on the first of two great travelling adventures around South America. While the first trip was impactful, the second trip would prove career-defining and was published in book form some years later. For now, young Ernesto had only one expectation from life: to study, travel and enjoy himself. Revolution and politics were the furthest thing from his mind. And so, in January 1952, the journey that became “The Motorcycle Diaries”, with his friend Alberto Granado, began.

 

What do you think of Che Guevara? Let us know below.

 

Sources

I Embrace You with All My Revolutionary Fervour – Ernesto Che Guevara – Collected letters 1947-1967 – Penguin Modern Classics

The Motorcycle Diaries – Che Guevara – 1995 -Fourth Estate Paper Backs

Che Guevara – A Revolutionary Life – Jon Lee Anderson – Penguin - 1997

Posted
AuthorHistory Is Now Magazine

The 19th and the early 20th century were characterized by the major powers of Europe possessing massive, worldwide colonial empires. Often, when people think of colonial powers, popular imagery depicts the British Empire, one of the largest in history, or the French Empire. But as many empires rise and dominate, many more are short-lived but equally as impactful, with one such being the colonial empire of Germany from 1871, when the nation was unified, to the 1stWorld War.

Harrison West explains.

Four German soldiers in a camel patrol in German South West Africa. Attribution: Bundesarchiv, Bild 105-DSWA0095 / Walther Dobbertin / CC-BY-SA 3.0, available here.

The German Empire

Germany lies at the center of Europe, rich in culture and dense history going back to Neolithic settlers thousands of years ago. At the turn of the 20th century, Germany was a constitutional monarchy under the leadership of Kaiser Wilhelm II, with Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg leading the executive, and the parliament (the Reichstag), having limited power. The state capital was Berlin, with cities like Hamburg, Dresden, Cologne and more being large hubs of industry. By 1914, the German Empire was the largest economic power in all of Europe, ahead of nations like Britain in world trade, and becoming a dominant player in the global export of steel and electrical equipment. The empire was one of Europe’s fastest-growing nations, with major population increases, urbanization, and being a leader in the manufacturing of chemicals, pharmaceuticals, and electrical engineering. On the downside, industrial workers faced restricted political rights, leading many to support socialist parties. And internationally, a system of alliances had isolated the country, with poor relations with France, Russia and Britain, but it did have allies in the form of Austria-Hungary, and Germany was pursuing global expansion to secure national prestige, economic resources, and geopolitical power. Another reason was to rival that of the British and the French. Officially proclaimed in the 1880s, by 1914, the German Colonial Empire spanned from the rainforests of Cameroon to the small islands, like Samoa and the Marshalls, deep in the Pacific Ocean.

Colonial administration of the colonies was through either direct decrees from the Kaiser, or, if not imperial, cases could be issued by the Colonial Office, and then the Reichstag could issue laws regarding Germans. Colonial organization and self-governance depending on the influence of the colony.

 

African Colonies

Kamerun

Kamerun was a protectorate in central Africa, under the leadership of Governor Karl Ebermaier; its territory spans over modern-day Cameroon, Nigeria, Chad, the Central African Republic, Gabon and Congo. The protectorate was first established in August 1884 after German explorers signed a treaty with local chiefs in the region during the scramble for Africa. Over time, the colonial capital shifted three times, with Jaunde (present-day Yaoundé) serving as the capital by 1914. The colony’s main exports were rubber, palm oil, palm kernels, cocoa, and bananas, produced through cash-crop plantations that relied on forced and harsh labor. The infrastructure of the colony comprised two major railways, which the colony relied heavily on as road construction was minimal, and ports such as Duala, with the colonial population being 4.645 million by 1912. Military-wise, there was the Schutztruppe (protection troops), which comprised 1,855 men—mostly Africans soldiers led by German officers—and 1,530 armed police. Inside the colony, German was the official language, but Basaa, Beti, Duala, and other local languages were common. Many local communities fiercely protected their sovereignty, leading to various forms of resistance against the Germans.

 

Togoland

Togoland was a protectorate in West Africa, at the time under the leadership of Duke Adolf Friedrich of Mecklenburg, from 1912 until August 1914, when Hans Georg von Doering became acting governor. This colony spans modern-day Ghana and Togo, with this colony first being established in the same year as Kamerun, by the same method, during the scramble for Africa. Similar to Kamerun, the colonial capital also shifted three times over the course of its history, with Lomé being the capital since 1897, and considered one of the prettiest cities in West Africa at the time. This colony mainly exported similar goods as Kamerun, but also cotton and coffee, with efforts to make Togoland a cotton-producing hub, but it failed to meet Germany’s needs, and the plantations for these goods were also cash crops manned by forced laborers. Regarding infrastructure, Tongoland possessed three major railway lines connecting Lomé to the colony’s interior, with the capital also being the principal port. The population of the colony was estimated to have numbered roughly 920,000, with the official language being German, but local languages like Ewe, Kotokoli and Kabye were also common, and other European languages such as French and English were used as a trade language. A small police force numbering 1,500 by 1914 was stationed to protect the colony, with this force mainly comprising Africans and very few Germans. Life in the colony varied with traditional structures, beliefs, and practices remaining central to the lives of many, with some local resistance rising to combat the harsh colonial treatment of the Germans.

 

German East Africa

German East Africa that spans over what is now the modern-day African nations of Tanzania, Kenya, Burundi and Rwanda. By 1914, the colony was under the leadership of Governor Heinrich Schnee, with the colonial capital being the city of Dar es Salaam in present-day Tanzania. The colony was established in 1885 during the scramble for Africa via treaties with local chiefs and sending warships to cement claims against the Sultan of Zanzibar. The main exports of this colony include Sisal, which was the largest source of income for plantations, coffee, rubber and other agricultural products like hides and oil seeds. The majority of these goods were sold to places like Britain and Australia, with only some being shipped back to the German homeland. The main backbone for transportation in the colony was railways, with two main lines, one connecting the capital to the coast, whilst the other connected the ports to the highlands. Roads were present, but mainly used for administrative needs, rather than for the general public. The population of the colony was around 7.7  million, with German being the official language, but many local languages, like Arabic, Swahili and Kirundi, were also commonly spoken. For defense, the Schutztruppe numbered 14,700 men in strength, with 3,000 of them being Europeans. Similar to Togoland, life here was a mixture of traditional, native practices and culture, and brutal German colonial control that prioritized the establishment of cash crops.

 

German South West Africa

German South West Africa (modern-day Namibia) was the final German colony on the African continent for their overseas colonial empire. The Germans had a presence there as early as 1883, leading to the establishment of a protectorate the next year to prevent British encroachment. By 1914, the governor of the colony was Theodor Seitz, with the colonial capital being Windhuk. The main exports of this colony were diamonds, copper, hides and produce coming from cattle. The transport for this was done by railways, the backbone of transportation infrastructure in the German colonies in Africa, as we have seen, with these rails connecting the interior to ports along the coast. The total population of the colony by 1914 was around as much as 200,000, with the majority being native Africans, and the official language was German, with local languages like Afrikaans and Khoekhoegowab also being commonly spoken. Life in this colony varied, with the indigenous people facing dispossession, forced labor, and genocide, which even led to a genocide in 1904 after an uprising against German authorities. Meanwhile, for German settlers, life was mixed, with settlers celebrating traditional German holidays, including beer and bratwurst culture, but life was often harsh, forcing many to take up many trades. By 1914, the colonial defenses comprised 3,000 soldiers of the Schutztruppe and 6,000  reservists.

 

Pacific & Asian Colonies

German New Guinea

Moving beyond the lands of Africa, we have the vast Pacific islands, starting with German New Guinea. The Germans claimed the territory in 1884, partly to challenge British interests in the Pacific, and it was originally administered by the  New Guinea Company until 1899, when the state took over control. This territory included the northeastern part of the island (Kaiser-Wilhelmsland), the Bismarck Archipelago, the islands of Buka and Bougainville in the northern parts of the Solomon Islands chain, Palau, the Caroline Islands, Nauru, the Mariana Islands & the Marshall Islands. Regarding the land beyond New Guinea, the Solomons & Bismarck’s, those were bought from the Spanish in the late 1800s. By 1914, the colony was under the administration of Eduard Haber, with the colonial capital being Simpsonhafen (present-day Rabaul) on the island of New Pomerania (New Britain). The main export commodities of this colony were copra, rubber and other products grown in plantations, along with minerals like copper and phosphates. Infrastructure varied tremendously throughout the islands, with a main focus on maritime transportation to trading ports along the coast, but due to the tropical and mountainous environment of New Guinea, road infrastructure was very limited.

By 1914, the population of the colony numbered around 600,000, with the majority being native people, and a fraction being Asian or European, with the official language being German, but Papuan and Austronesian languages were also common in the vast islands. Life amongst the colony varied, with the Germans heavily enforcing plantation expansion, forcing local inhabitants into labor, with coastal and island settlements experiencing some development, European presence remained limited, especially in the interior of New Guinea. German New Guinea itself was defended by a light force of 240 Melanesian Polizeitruppe and 61 German officers, all cantered around protecting Simpsonhafen.

 

German Samoa

German Samoa was the farthest extent of the German colonial empire, comprising modern-day Samoa; it was nearly double the distance from Germany itself compared to German South West Africa (Namibia). This territory was acquired at the turn of the century, after a civil war saw the Samoan islands divided up between the Germans and the Americans (the British were initially interested but withdrew). By 1914, the colonial capital was Apia on Upolu Island, with the protectorate being under the leadership of Erich Schultz-Ewerth. Similar to New Guinea, the main export was coconut products coming from plantations, with cocoa and rubber also being cultivated and exported as well. German Samoa was considered one of the most well-developed German colonies in the Pacific, allowing the colony to become nearly self-sufficient, with the Telefunken Railway connecting the capital's harbor to Mount Vaea and some roads. By 1914, the population was estimated to be just over 40,000, the large majority of those being Samoans, with German being the official language, but native Samoan was also widely spoken. The Germans co-operated with local chiefs, with the Germans respecting Samoan customs and culture, although they banned activities like gambling. For colonial defense, the islands had an extremely small force of  50 ceremonial guardsmen and an equally small volunteer force.

 

Kiautschou Bay Leased Territory

The final possession of the German colonial empire was a leased territory in eastern China, established following a military occupation of parts of the Shandong province around the port of Tsingtau (Qingdao), and the signing of a treaty with the Qing securing a 99-year lease for a naval coaling station and economic exploitation in 1898. By 1914, the leased territory was under the administration of Vice Admiral Alfred Meyer-Waldeck, with the capital being the port of Tsingtau. The main export goods of this territory were mostly agricultural products like soy and sesame, but beyond that, coal was also exported widely as well.

Being a vital port for the Germans in the region, the territory’s deep-water port was well built, with a smaller harbor for commercial shipping also being present, a shipyard and dry docks. As well as the Tsingtao-Jinan railway line, which linked the deep-water harbor to the interior of the Shandong province, and lastly, paved and wide streets that are often compared to those in German cities. By 1914, the population was around 200,000, the large majority being Chinese, whilst only a handful of Germans. Life and culture in this territory were characterized by the mixing of Bavarian-style buildings and Western-style services, with Chinese culture, customs and language, similar to the situation in Samoa, even serving as a safe haven for those trying to escape the Boxer Rebellion in 1911. In defense of the territory was the German Navy (Kaiserliche Marine) East Asia Squadron with a few ships and a small garrison force.

 

The End of Germany’s Empire

Now, to answer the question, what happened to them? And to summarize, when World War 1 began, each one of the German overseas territories and protectorates found themselves occupied by the Entente. Germany’s African colonies were conquered by the British and the French (with Belgian assistance), the Kiautschou Bay Leased Territory was besieged and occupied by the Japanese until the 20s when it was returned to China, Samoa surrendered quickly to New Zealand, Australia occupied German New Guinea, and the Pacific Islands went to Japan as a mandate. The signing of the Treaty of Versailles marked the official end of the German Empire.

With the benefit of hindsight, Germany's attempt at colonialism was poorly handled. Despite holding vast territories across the globe, colonies were managed to benefit a tiny minority of German settlers, while indigenous populations were treated as subordinate. Colonial rule relied on forced labor, was poorly managed, and colonies were not economically successful, providing low returns and often requiring significant state funding for infrastructure and military control.

 

Interested in European colonialism? Now read about France’s role in Algeria here.

 

Sources

1.     Michael Stuermer, 2013, THE GERMAN EMPIRE 1871 - 1919, book

2.     James Hawes, 2018, The Shortest History of Germany, book

3.     Helmut Walser Smith, 2020, Germany A Nation in Its Time: Before, During, and After Nationalism, book

He was not supposed to be remembered this way. Caleb Bradham was a pharmacist, trained for local steadiness rather than worldwide success, a man expected to move plainly through small-town commerce in late–19th-century North Carolina. However something in him bent toward experiment—toward mixtures, margins, and the uncertain chemistry of public taste, perhaps without fully knowing where it would lead.

Brian D’Ambrosio explains.

Caleb Davis Bradham.

Son of businessman George Washington Bradham, Caleb Bradham was born in 1867 in Chinquapin, North Carolina, and later attended the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he studied science and prepared for a medical career he would ultimately not complete. Financial strain, in particular his father’s bankruptcy, forced his return home, where he taught school briefly before turning fully to pharmacy. In New Bern, he opened a drugstore that would become the unlikely laboratory for one of America’s most enduring consumer brands.

Like many pharmacists of his era, Bradham presided over more than prescriptions. The soda fountain was central to his trade—a place where medicine, refreshment, and commerce blurred. Carbonated drinks were often promoted in zany, quasi-medical terms, and the line between remedy and recreation remained deliberately thin.

In 1893, he began developing a beverage of sugar, kola nut extract, vanilla, and oils. He sold it as “Brad’s Drink,” a local fountain offering marketed as a digestive aid and mild restorative. It was part of a broader late-19th-century trend in which pharmacists created proprietary tonics that straddled therapeutic and commercial categories.

By 1898, Bradham renamed the drink Pepsi-Cola. The name drew from “dyspepsia,” meaning indigestion, and aligned with the growing popularity of cola-based beverages flavored with kola nut derivatives. It was a name built for both familiarity and aspiration—clinical in origin, commercial in effect.

 

Pepsi-Cola Company

He incorporated the Pepsi-Cola Company in 1902 and secured the trademark shortly thereafter. Production expanded through syrup distribution and a licensing system in which independent bottlers produced and sold the drink under contract. The model enabled rapid geographic spread but limited centralized control.

By the 1910s, Pepsi-Cola had reached much of the United States through regional bottlers. It remained uneven in consistency and branding, but it was no longer confined to New Bern.

Its chief competitor, Coca-Cola, expanded during the same period through a more tightly managed national structure. The difference between the two companies was organizational rather than conceptual: Coca-Cola emphasized uniformity; Pepsi relied on distributed growth through independent operators. Indeed, that structural divide would shape their rivalry far more than product formulation.

During the First World War, sugar prices rose sharply and became increasingly volatile. Bradham purchased large quantities in anticipation of continued increases. When wartime demand ended, however, sugar prices fell rapidly, leaving his inventory overvalued. Bradham had bought heavily at the peak, and with Pepsi still selling for a nickel a bottle, he couldn’t raise prices enough to recover the loss. What had seemed like a calculated bet turned into a crushing miscalculation, one he couldn’t outrun. The resulting financial strain contributed to the company’s bankruptcy in 1923.

Pepsi-Cola’s assets were liquidated and reorganized through bankruptcy proceedings. The brand name survived, though the original company structure did not.

Bradham returned to his pharmacy in New Bern. He did not attempt to rebuild the company or reenter large-scale business. He continued working as a pharmacist until his death in 1934.

 

Pepsi-Cola name

The Pepsi-Cola name, however, continued under new ownership. During the 1930s and 1940s, the brand was restructured and expanded, eventually emerging as a direct national competitor to Coca-Cola. Post–Second World War advertising, expanding bottling networks, and standardized marketing systems transformed Pepsi into a mass-market national product. By 1961, the company shortened its name to Pepsi, reflecting a more streamlined corporate identity and modernized branding strategy, perhaps signaling a more modern commercial language as well.

Bradham did not live to see that transformation, but the framework of it had already been set in motion: a product built for replication, a system dependent on distribution, and a name simple enough to travel beyond its origin.

What he created was not permanence but continuity. A formula, a label, and a habit that moved through markets long after its originator stepped away from the business.

The result is straightforward: Bradham did not build an empire that lasted intact, but he did create something that outlived its first structure and continued under new hands, in new forms, under a name that, indeed, never disappeared.

 

Brian D'Ambrosio is the author of Montana Eccentrics, New Mexico Eccentrics, and Italian-Americana: Explorers, Entertainers, and Eccentrics. Available here: Amazon US | Amazon UK

 

 

Sources

North Carolina pedia: https://www.ncpedia.org/biography/bradham-caleb-davis

North Carolina History Project: https://northcarolinahistory.org/encyclopedia/caleb-bradham-1867-1934/

Brittanica, miscellaneous pages

Posted
AuthorHistory Is Now Magazine

In the 1980s, Cuba’s economy operated as a heavily subsidized outpost of the Soviet bloc, with massive external support masking deep structural weaknesses. Decades later, after the loss of its primary benefactor and repeated shifts in external alliances, the island faces one of its most prolonged economic crises, marked by widespread energy blackouts, food shortages, hyperinflation, and large-scale emigration. This comparison reveals both continuity in central planning and the recurring consequences of heavy dependence on external aid.

Lilian George explains.

Horse transport in Cuba in the 1990s. Source/Attribution: Nick, available here.

 

The 1980s: An Economy Built on Soviet Generosity

During the 1980s, Cuba’s economy was deeply integrated into the socialist bloc. The Soviet Union provided substantial subsidies through preferential trade terms — buying Cuban sugar at prices well above the world market and selling oil at discounted rates. These inflows averaged nearly 23 percent of Cuba’s GDP between 1985 and 1988, reaching as high as $4.3 billion annually in some estimates.

The arrangement allowed Cuba to re-export much of the subsidized Soviet oil for hard currency, which often accounted for more than 40 percent of the country’s total export revenues. Sugar remained the dominant export, but the economy was highly centralized, with the state controlling nearly all production and distribution. Official statistics showed average daily caloric availability around 2,900–3,050 kcal per person. However, this national average masked significant daily struggles for ordinary families. The rationing system provided a monotonous diet heavy in starches, with limited protein and fresh produce, and many households experienced ongoing scarcity despite the Soviet subsidies.

 

The Shrinking Safety Net: Rationing from the 1980s to 2026

Rationing through the libreta de abastecimiento (ration book) has been a cornerstone of Cuban daily life since 1962. In the 1980s, the system provided relatively stable and more generous quotas of basic goods — rice, beans, sugar, oil, eggs, and occasional meat or coffee — supported by Soviet subsidies. While variety was limited and everything was tightly controlled, the rationing system functioned as a predictable safety net for most families.

By 2026, the libreta has become far less effective. Quotas have been repeatedly reduced, deliveries are often late or incomplete, and the quality of goods has declined. Starting in April 2026, the government began phasing out universal subsidies on most rationed items, shifting instead toward targeted assistance only for the most vulnerable households. Many staples now arrive in quantities that last only 10–15 days per month rather than the full month. Fuel shortages and frequent blackouts further complicate distribution and storage.

As a result, the ration book no longer offers the same level of protection against hunger that it did in the 1980s. Most families must supplement the libreta with purchases on the open or informal market, where prices are significantly higher due to inflation and dollarization.

 

The Shock of the 1990s: The Special Period and Total Collapse

The sudden dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 triggered a catastrophic economic contraction known as the “Special Period in Time of Peace.” The loss of Soviet subsidies — estimated at $4–6 billion per year — caused Cuba’s GDP to fall by approximately 33–40 percent between 1990 and 1993. Average daily caloric intake dropped sharply from around 2,900–3,050 kcal in the late 1980s to roughly 1,863–2,099 kcal in 1993 (with some reports and vulnerable groups experiencing even lower levels). This translated into widespread hunger, significant weight loss across the population, and severe nutritional deficiencies.

Power blackouts became routine, sometimes lasting up to 20 hours a day. Agricultural production plummeted due to lack of fuel, fertilizers, and machinery. The government responded with emergency measures, including limited openings to foreign investment and tourism, but the decade was defined by h

ardship, scarcity, and improvisation.

Partial Recovery and Shifting Dependencies (2000–2020)

In the early 2000s, Cuba found a new external partner in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez. The two countries signed agreements under which Venezuela supplied subsidized oil in exchange for Cuban medical personnel and other services. This provided a temporary lifeline, though it never matched the scale or stability of Soviet support.

Under Raúl Castro (who assumed power in 2008), limited reforms were introduced, including greater space for small private businesses, some foreign investment in tourism, and efforts to unify the dual-currency system. Tourism became an important source of hard currency. However, the underlying model of central planning remained largely intact.

 

The Current Crisis (2021–2026): Deeper and More Prolonged?

Since the early 2020s, Cuba’s economy has struggled with multiple shocks, including the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on tourism, sharply reduced Venezuelan oil deliveries, and long-standing structural problems. Official data show negative or near-zero growth in several recent years, with independent estimates suggesting a cumulative contraction of around 10–15 percent.

Chronic fuel shortages have led to frequent nationwide blackouts, sometimes lasting days. Agricultural output has reached historic lows in key products. Inflation has remained high, and the Cuban peso has depreciated significantly against the US dollar on the informal market.

 

Growing Dependence on Remittances and Dollarization

A defining feature of the current economic landscape is the increasing reliance on remittances sent by Cuban emigrants, primarily in US dollars. Estimates place annual remittances at around $3 billion, accounting for roughly 8.3 percent of Cuba’s GDP. Nearly 70 percent of the population receives some form of remittance support.

This inflow has accelerated the dollarization of the economy. Many goods and services — especially in the informal and emerging private sectors — are now priced or only available in US dollars or other hard currencies. Those with access to remittances have significantly higher purchasing power, while those relying solely on state salaries face deepening hardship. The surge in emigration since 2020 has paradoxically strengthened this channel, but it has also exacerbated inequality.

 

Medicine and Healthcare: From Partial Coverage to Systemic Strain

Cuba’s healthcare system, long presented as one of the revolution’s major achievements, has faced recurring challenges with medical supplies. In the 1980s, there were already periods when hospitals struggled to meet basic needs due to inefficiencies in the centralized system, even with Soviet support providing some stability in pharmaceuticals and equipment.

By 2026, the situation has deteriorated significantly. Hospitals and clinics report severe shortages of essential medicines, antibiotics, surgical gloves, and basic supplies. Power outages lasting 20 hours or more disrupt critical services such as dialysis, chemotherapy, radiotherapy, neonatal care, and refrigeration for vaccines and medications. Pharmaceutical production inside Cuba has slowed sharply due to fuel shortages affecting factories.

As of early 2026, more than 96,000 patients were waiting for surgeries (including thousands of children), with many procedures postponed or canceled. Independent reports indicate that only about 3 percent of citizens can consistently find needed medicines in state pharmacies, while black-market prices make them unaffordable for most. The recent cutoff of Venezuelan oil supplies in 2026 has further worsened the crisis by intensifying blackouts and limiting the transport of medical staff and supplies.

 

Impact of Developments in Venezuela (2026)

The situation deteriorated sharply in early 2026 following the US intervention in Venezuela and the capture of President Nicolás Maduro. Venezuela had been supplying Cuba with approximately 26,000–35,000 barrels of oil per day in 2025 (down from much higher volumes in previous years). After the intervention, shipments effectively stopped as the United States exerted control over Venezuelan oil exports and imposed restrictions on flows to Cuba.

The sudden cutoff removed a critical portion of Cuba’s fuel supply, triggering more frequent and prolonged nationwide blackouts, further disruptions to food distribution, and additional pressure on an already strained economy. While Mexico had briefly become the top supplier in 2025, overall imports remain far below what is needed to meet demand. The loss of the Venezuelan lifeline has compounded existing vulnerabilities.

Why Recovery Has Proved Elusive

Cuba’s economic difficulties stem from a combination of internal factors — decades of central planning, low productivity, underinvestment in infrastructure, and policy inconsistency — and external shocks, including the loss of major benefactors and shifting geopolitical pressures. While tourism, limited private enterprise, and remittances have provided some relief, they have not offset the structural weaknesses. As of 2026, the economy continues to face significant challenges in restoring reliable energy supply, boosting agricultural and pharmaceutical production, and reversing emigration trends.

 

Lilian’s book, The Cuban Manuscript is available here: Amazon US | Amazon UK

 

References

  • Hernández-Catá, Ernesto (2013). “Cuba, the Soviet Union, and Venezuela: A Tale of Dependence and Shock.” ASCE Proceedings

  • BTI Project (2026). Cuba Country Report

  • Orozco, Manuel (2024). Remittances studies, Inter-American Dialogue

  • Reports from Havana Times, Reuters, and Lancet Oncology on medicine shortages and healthcare conditions (2025–2026)

  • Various ASCE and independent economic analyses (2025–2026)

Posted
AuthorHistory Is Now Magazine

George Eastman (1854-1932) stands as one of the most consequential figures in the history of photography—not because he invented the medium, but because he changed who it belonged to. Through technical innovation, shrewd business strategy, and a stubborn belief in simplicity, he helped move photography from a demanding scientific craft into a shared social habit. In doing so, he reshaped how modern life is documented and remembered, building Kodak into one of the most influential companies of the industrial age.

Brian D’Ambrosio explains.

George Eastman.

Born on July 12, 1854, in Waterville, New York, Eastman grew up in modest circumstances. His father, George Washington Eastman, died in 1862, forcing him to leave school early and help support the family. He found steady work as a bank clerk in Rochester—a job that sharpened his methodical habits but offered little outlet for invention. Photography entered his life in the late 1870s, when he bought equipment for a planned vacation. What he encountered—glass plates, bulky cameras, portable darkrooms, and finicky chemistry—was so cumbersome that it pointed to a different problem. Photography’s greatest obstacle was not artistic skill. It was, perhaps, access.

By then, photography had already evolved through several distinct phases. Since the unveiling of the daguerreotype and calotype in 1839, the medium had advanced in fits and starts. The wet-plate collodion process of the 1850s produced sharper images but required photographers to coat, expose, and develop plates while still wet, often on location. It was exacting work—expensive, technical, and largely confined to professionals. Eastman, working at first with limited support, began to focus less on image quality than on ease of use—a quiet shift that would, indeed, alter the medium’s future.

 

Success

His first major success came in 1880 with a machine for coating dry photographic plates. Unlike wet plates, these could be prepared in advance, stored, and used when needed. In 1881, he incorporated the Eastman Dry Plate Company in Rochester, laying the groundwork for what would become the Eastman Kodak Company.

The real breakthrough followed quickly. In 1884, Eastman introduced roll film, initially backed with paper, replacing fragile glass plates and making smaller, more practical cameras possible. Four years later, Kodak released its first camera, preloaded with enough film for 100 exposures and marketed with the now-famous slogan, “You press the button, we do the rest.” Customers mailed the camera back for developing, printing, and reloading. With that, nearly every technical barrier fell away.

The effect was immediate. Photography slipped its tripod and chemistry kit and went out into the world—portable, affordable, and within reach of people who had never considered using a camera. In 1889, Kodak introduced transparent flexible film, a development essential not only to still photography but to the emerging motion-picture industry. Early pioneers, including Thomas Edison and his collaborators, relied on such film stock, extending Eastman’s influence into cinema. Photography, once slow and deliberate, began to move—into narrative, into motion, and into mass circulation, perhaps the most far-reaching consequence of his work.

Under Eastman’s leadership, Kodak expanded aggressively in the early twentieth century. The introduction of the Brownie camera in 1900—priced at one dollar—helped fix photography as a mass activity, especially among families and children. Over time, Kodak refined film quality, camera design, and processing systems, dominating the global photographic market. Eastman remained closely involved, insisting on research, vertical integration, and—perhaps most importantly—consumer trust.

He was also ahead of his time in his treatment of workers. Eastman introduced employee benefits that were rare for the era, including pensions, disability coverage, and profit-sharing. A successful company, he believed, owed its workforce more than wages; it owed stability.

 

Philanthropy

His philanthropy became one of his most enduring legacies. Over his lifetime, he donated more than $100 million—much of it quietly. He was a major benefactor of the University of Rochester, helping elevate it into a leading research institution, and a crucial supporter of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, whose future he helped secure during uncertain years. He also funded dental clinics for children across the United States and Europe, reflecting a practical belief that preventive care could change lives.

In 1921, he established the Eastman School of Music in Rochester, which quickly became one of the world’s leading conservatories. His giving was direct and purposeful, aimed at education, science, and health rather than personal memorial. Eastman believed wealth carried an obligation: to widen opportunity. That belief was, indeed, borne out in the institutions he helped sustain.

In his later years, the old photography baron suffered from a painful degenerative spinal condition that restricted his mobility. In 1932, at seventy-seven, he took his own life, leaving behind a brief note: “My work is done. Why wait?” By then, his impact on photography—and on American industry—was secure.

 

Conclusion

George Eastman did not invent photography, but as a proverbial innate captain of industry he permanently altered its course. By simplifying its tools, reorganizing its economics, and placing it in the hands of ordinary people, he helped make photography a common language of modern life. Long after cameras changed shape and film gave way to pixels, his central idea endured: that memory should not belong to the few. It should, indeed, belong to everyone.

 

Brian D'Ambrosio is the author of Montana Eccentrics, New Mexico Eccentrics, and Italian-Americana: Explorers, Entertainers, and Eccentrics. Available here: Amazon US | Amazon UK

 

References

George Eastman Museum/Online Collections

PBS/American Experience/George Eastman

Miscellaneous obituaries: Daily Sentinel, March 15, 1932; Passaic Daily Herald, March 15, 1932.

There have been many recounts and analyses of how then-U.S. President John F. Kennedy responded to the Cuban Missile Crisis – the name given to the 13 days in October 1962 that were rife with political and military tension between the United States and the Soviet Union regarding Soviet missiles in the Caribbean country, leaving many fearing nuclear war was imminent.

The true intent of Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev has not been given as much attention in the West. Janel Miller reviewed a handful of contemporary newspaper articles from the time of the crisis and later journal articles reflecting on the ordeal to provide readers with some insights – albeit a few of which conflict with the passage of time – into the lesser-known point of view.

John F. Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev in 1961.

As the 1960s began, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was seemingly well aware of the United States increased nuclear weapons production and its positioning in places like England, Italy, and Turkey that placed these weapons increasingly closer to his country’s borders.

Even so, Khrushchev may not have wanted to commit the necessary funds to bring his country on par with the United States. At least one report from the 2000s indicates “the cost of U.S. defense programs exceeded the dollar equivalent of Soviet programs by roughly one-fifth” from 1951 to 1964. Another report claims that when the Soviets did put their missiles in Cuba, it only had about 75 intercontinental ballistic missiles, compared with the between 450 and 500 of these missiles the U.S. was said to have at the time.

However, contemporary reports differ. Roughly a month before the Cuban Missile Crisis reached its October tipping point, a newspaper article quoted sources in Washington, D.C. who claimed the Soviet Union not only had more nuclear weapons that could be “city-killers” than the United States at that time, but the country was increasing that lead.

The balance of the evidence reviewed before writing this essay suggests the contemporary report may have been an exaggeration or perhaps even a ploy to earn the United States’ support on an uncomfortable topic. According to at least two authors’ interpretations, decades later, of Robert McNamara, Kennedy’s Secretary of Defense, comments during a 1964 hearing suggested that the United States’ superiority in nuclear weapons was the sole reason Khrushchev backed down.

 

Impact

To interject a perspective that might help explain the fear the Cuban Missile Crisis instilled around the world, intercontinental ballistic missiles are said to have a range of more than 3,500 miles (roughly 700 more miles than a car trip from New York City to Los Angeles in the United States or nine round-trip car trips by car from London to Manchester in the United Kingdom).

Decades after the crisis was averted, an author noted that until Cuba, Khrushchev had not placed any nuclear missiles outside the Soviet Union’s extensive border. By doing so, Khrushchev may have felt that what he lacked in numbers, he made up for it in the amount of security the move provided Cuba’s residents and the amount of fear the missiles' closeness to the Caribbean country instilled in Americans. It should be noted that a different author, writing in the 1980s, felt that a “considerably smaller” number of missiles than those observed in the photographs that sparked the conflict would have achieved this result.

 

Returning to a contemporary news report, shortly after Khrushchev agreed to have the missiles removed from Cuba, said he did so because he felt confident Kennedy would not invade Cuba.  Khrushchev added that “the motive which prompted us to give aid of this nature to Cuba is no longer valid.”

 

Dangers

Speaking to a Kiwanis Club in the middle of the tense 13 days, Henry Shapiro, who was then well into his second decade of a three-decade career covering Moscow for United Press International and said to provide Khrushchev with informal feedback regarding how Americans would respond to Soviet actions, implied Khrushchev knew the dangers of nuclear war and thus never intended to start one.

Shapiro, besides alluding to some theories mentioned in this essay, also stated that Khrushchev may have – as other leaders before him such as George McClellan’s incorrect assumption regarding the number of Confederate troops during the Civil War’s Battle of Antietam or Mark Antony’s overreliance on the wind during his doomed attempt to win the Battle of Actium – underestimated the power of U.S. nuclear weapons but also knew that he had some pretty powerful weapons as well.

 

More recently

Khrushchev’s own son, in remarks made almost 40 years to the day of the event, said the Soviets’ actions in Cuba were merely to save face, and that simply trying to resolve differences between the United States and the Soviet Union verbally would make those within the Kremlin look weak.

At least one other author in more recent times has offered that if Kennedy had been the leader who backed down first, rather than Khrushchev, the Soviets’ decision to stockpile missiles in Cuba might also have provided Khrushchev with a few additional Latin American and South American allies.

Also in recent years, another author has suggested that the Soviet Union’s actions were to showcase its strength to China, a country that Fidel Castro was said to be keen on winning over. In stockpiling missiles so close to America, the Soviets hoped China would forgo building nuclear weapons and depend on the Soviets if ever threatened. 

In addition, recent authors have wrote that Kennedy backing down first may have also given Khrushchev the upper hand in a much closer rivalry than those in the Northern Hemisphere and in Asia – the German city of Berlin,  which the year before became divided in two by miles and miles of concrete walls of varying height up to 15 feet disfigured by barbed wire and under constant watch by guards, structures holding guns, and mines.

 

In Context

It has often been said that there are two sides to every story. I sometimes tell others that there are actually three sides to every story. There is one person’s account, the other person’s account, and then what truly happened (although I, by no means, believe I have coined the phrase).

More so than any other topic I have written about for History Is Now’s website, does the adage and my take on it ring true. Perhaps for that reason, the greatest takeaway from a situation as serious as the Cuban Missile Crisis was, is that every reason and scenario possible must always be explored before action is taken, especially when it is regarding something as consequential as nuclear war.  

 

Find our more on the Cold War in our book here.

 

 

References

History.com Editors. “Cuban Missile Crisis - Causes, Timeline & Significance.” https://www.history.com/articles/cuban-missile-crisis. History.com. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Kahan, Jerome H. and Long, Anne K. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Study of Its Strategic Context.”   https://www.jstor.org/stable/2148197. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 87, No. 4 (December 1972), pp. 564-590. Accessed March 20, 2026.

Center for the Study of Intelligence.  “Analyzing Soviet Defense Programs, 1951-1990.”  https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB493/docs/intell_ebb_012.PDF. The National Security Archive, The George Washington University. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Pollard, Robert A. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: Legacies and Lessons.” https://www.jstor.org/stable/40256375. The Wilson Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 4 (Autumn, 1982), pp. 148-158.

Accessed March 20, 2026.

Myler, Joseph L. “Russians Extend Lead in Testing N-Weapons.” https://www.newspapers.com/image/534344939. The Scranton Times (Pennsylvania). September 20, 1962, Page 2. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Kahan, Jerome H. and Long, Anne K. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Study of Its Strategic Context.”   https://www.jstor.org/stable/2148197. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 87, No. 4 (December 1972), pp. 564-590. Accessed March 20, 2026.

Brittanica.com Editors. “ICBM.” https://www.britannica.com/technology/ICBM. Brittanica.com.  Accessed April 13, 2026.

MapQuest.com Editors. “Directions from New York, NY to Los Angeles, CA. https://www.mapquest.com/directions/from/us/new-york/new-york-ny-282040974/to/us/california/los-angeles-ca-282039899?scheduleType=leave-now. MapQuest.com. Accessed April 13, 2026.

UKCityMap.com Editors. “Distance from London, Greater London, to Manchester, Greater Manchester, England.” https://www.ukcitymap.com/distance-from-london-greater-london-england-to-manchester-greater-manchester-england.html. UKCityMap.com. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Kahan, Jerome H. and Long, Anne K. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Study of Its Strategic Context.”   https://www.jstor.org/stable/2148197. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 87, No. 4 (December 1972), pp. 564-590. Accessed March 20, 2026.

Pollard, Robert A. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: Legacies and Lessons.” https://www.jstor.org/stable/40256375. The Wilson Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 4 (Autumn, 1982), pp. 148-158.  Accessed March 20, 2026.

Syvertsen, George. “Nikita Quits Brink, Recalls Rockets.” https://www.newspapers.com/image/80332793/. The Oregon Statesman. October 29, 1962, Page 1.

Colwell, Mike. “Nikita Expected to Back Down.” https://www.newspapers.com/image/995245702/.

The Berkeley Daily Gazette (California). October 24, 1962, Page 1.

United Press International Editors.  “Veteran UPI Foreign Correspondent Henry Shapiro Dead at 84.” https://www.upi.com/Archives/1991/04/05/Veteran-UPI-foreign-correspondent-Henry-Shapiro-dead-at-84/2067670827600/.UPI.com. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Colwell, Mike. “Nikita Expected to Back Down.” https://www.newspapers.com/image/995245702/.

The Berkeley Daily Gazette (California). October 24, 1962, Page 1.

Sears, Stephen W. “McClellan at Antietam.” https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/mcclellan-antietam. American Battlefield Trust. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Mark, Joshua J. “Battle of Actium.”  https://www.worldhistory.org/Battle_of_Actium/.  Worldhistory.org. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Colwell, Mike. “Nikita Expected to Back Down.” https://www.newspapers.com/image/995245702/.

The Berkeley Daily Gazette (California). October 24, 1962, Page 1.

Transcript of October 20, 2002, discussion among James Blight, Chuck Daly, Kenneth Galbraith, Sergei Khrushchev, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Theodore Sorensen, and Josefina Vidal. “On the Brink: The Cuban Missile Crisis.” https://www.jfklibrary.org/events-and-awards/kennedy-library-forums/browse-all-forums/transcripts/on-the-brink-the-cuban-missile-crisis. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum. Accessed March 20, 2026.

Kahan, Jerome H. and Long, Anne K. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Study of Its Strategic Context.”   https://www.jstor.org/stable/2148197. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 87, No. 4 (December 1972), pp. 564-590. Accessed March 20, 2026.

Pollard, Robert A. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: Legacies and Lessons.” https://www.jstor.org/stable/40256375. The Wilson Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 4 (Autumn, 1982), pp. 148-158.

Accessed March 20, 2026.

Sears, Stephen W. “McClellan at Antietam.” https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/mcclellan-antietam. American Battlefield Trust. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Mark, Joshua J. “Battle of Actium.”  https://www.worldhistory.org/Battle_of_Actium/.  Worldhistory.org. Accessed April 13, 2026.

Slantchev Branislav L. “The National Security Strategy: The Cuban/Caribbean Missile Crisis, October 1962.” http://slantchev.ucsd.edu/courses/ps142j/lectures/cuban-crisis.pdf. University of California, San Diego. Accessed March 20, 2026.

Kahan, Jerome H. and Long, Anne K. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Study of Its Strategic Context.”   https://www.jstor.org/stable/2148197. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 87, No. 4 (December 1972), pp. 564-590. Accessed March 20, 2026.

Brittanica.com Editors. “Berlin Wall.” https://www.britannica.com/topic/Berlin-Wall. Brittanica.com. Accessed April 13, 2026.

When picturing Hollywood’s first comedic legends, it’s impossible not to include the Marx Brothers. Between the pantomiming, sticky-fingered, musical genius Harpo, piano-playing Italian conman Chico, motormouthed Groucho, or perpetual straight-man Zeppo, this quartet set a new standard for incredible creative talent. That influence lives on today throughout the world…namely in the infamous costume glasses based on Groucho’s signature bushy eyebrows and painted-on mustache.

Andrew Nickerson explains.

The Marx Brothers. Top to bottom: Chico, Harpo, Groucho and Zeppo.

Given how crazy they got on-screen, it shouldn’t be any surprise that their off-screen behavior could get just as insane. However, they hit a new zenith (even by their standards) with an infamous incident during their early days at MGM, one which many would think so over-the-top it’d be impossible. Instead, it’s the definition of truth being stranger than fiction, and it’s time more people knew about it. For the record, this is sourced from the famed documentary Remarks on Marx, as well as a famous 1961 interview with Groucho on The Hy Gardner Show, both of which are quite fascinating.

 

The Beginning

In the 1930s, the Marx Brothers worked at Paramount Pictures, where they’d had great success with their first four films. Sadly, their fifth, Duck Soup (ironically now called their best work by the American Film Institute), flopped. Worse, they lost their contract due to a money dispute, and many were convinced they were finished; moreover, Zeppo stopped performing, and Groucho even considered leaving too.

Thankfully, they were saved by an unlikely champion: Irving Thalberg at MGM Studios, which was Hollywood’s biggest movie maker at the time. Thalberg, in turn, was a legend himself: he’d become an executive producer at age 30, hence his nickname “The Boy Wonder of MGM”. Furthermore, as Groucho said, “Thalberg, like Sinatra…he was the most feared man of any producer at any Hollywood studio. And people weren’t afraid of Thalberg because he wasn’t a nice guy or anything. He was so powerful because he was so talented…even Mayer (MGM Executive Louis Mayer) was afraid of him.” Apparently, Thalberg knew the brothers through Chico because they played Bridge together, and they’d become very close. So, when the brothers lost their contract at Paramount, Thalberg convinced them to sign on at MGM. After agreeing, he told the brothers to come by his office the next morning at 11 o’clock, and they’d have an initial story conference.

 

Setting the scene

To understand what happened next requires a little background. Thalberg was working on three projects at that time. He had one director/producer in one room, another such in a second room, and finally the brothers, who were waiting outside his office. Basically, he spent the day running between these locations, having very important meetings each time. However, in the process, he also left the brothers dangling: 11:30 passed, then noon, then 1 p.m. (which is when the brothers left for an hour to eat lunch), and so on. Ultimately, Thalberg’s assistant contacted the brothers at 5 p.m., told them he was sorry he’d been so busy, and they should try to meet again at the same time tomorrow.

Naturally, this didn’t go over well, and it registered even harder the next day, when Thalberg made them wait again. However, around 2 p.m., they got into his office, which not only was enormous, plus had a massive fireplace on the side. At this point, Groucho said, “Look, Mr. Thalberg, we starred in two plays on Broadway, we’ve done five pictures at Paramount. We’re considered very good comedians. So, if you ask us to show up for a story conference at midnight, we’ll be here at midnight. But when you ask us to show up at 11, we want you to see us at 11 or there’s no deal with you at all.” He completely stunned Thalberg. No one ever spoke to him like that because they were all so afraid of him. Thankfully, he took it in stride and made a concession: from then on, when he scheduled a meeting, he’d see them right away. However, they’d start talking about a project, but then, after around twenty minutes, he’d say, “I’ve got to go talk to someone for a few minutes, I’ll be back”…and he’d be gone for three hours. Thus, now they were waiting inside his office. However, it backfired again: the third or fourth time Thalberg did this, the brothers took his file cabinets and stacked them against the two doors to his office so he couldn’t get in—and wouldn’t let him in until 5 p.m. Thankfully, he laughed about it because, as Groucho said, “Now he respected us.”

 

The Grand Finale

Yet, this was only the prelude to the brothers’ shining moment of glory. The next time he left them like that, they called the cafeteria and had them send up eight baked potatoes. They then lit a roaring fire in the office’s fireplace and took off all their clothes. Thus, when Thalberg came back, there the brothers were, sitting around the fireplace in the buff, toasting the potatoes on the fireplace spits; they even offered one to Thalberg, who ate it. After that, as Groucho said, “He loved us, because no one ever cracked a joke around him because they were all so afraid of him.”

Tragically, their partnership would only last two films (A Night at the Opera and A Day at the Races) before Thalberg died from pneumonia, but they’d go on down in history as the brothers’ highest grossing work. Moreover, it cemented the brothers’ legacy, gave Thalberg a truly novel experience…and Hollywood gained one of its greatest backstories.

 

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The military challenge coin is one of the most deeply entrenched artifacts in modern military culture. Today, you will find these custom-minted metallic medallions traded by four-star generals, deployed infantrymen, and even civilian corporate executives.

If you ask anyone in uniform where this tradition started, they will almost certainly tell you the legend of the "Wealthy Lieutenant of World War I"1. It is a narrative that perfectly encapsulates the heroism and fraternal bonds prized by the military.

There is just one problem: it is completely made up. Alexander Kidder explains.

World War One Victory Liberty Loan Medal Token Made From German Cannon. Available here.

The Perfect Legend

The story goes like this: In 1917, a wealthy American lieutenant, having dropped out of an Ivy League university to fly in the newly formed Army Air Service, wanted to forge a bond among his men. Utilizing his personal wealth, he commissioned solid bronze medallions for every member of his squadron.

Shortly after, a pilot in the squadron was shot down behind enemy lines. German soldiers captured him and stripped him of all his identification, but crucially overlooked a small leather pouch around his neck containing his bronze coin. The pilot eventually escaped and stumbled into a French outpost.

Because he was out of uniform and spoke with an odd accent, the French assumed he was a German saboteur and prepared to execute him. In his final moments, the pilot produced the bronze coin. A French soldier recognized the American squadron insignia, halting the execution. Instead of a firing squad, the pilot was given a bottle of wine. Upon his return, the squadron initiated the "coin check" to ensure everyone carried their lifesaver at all times (fail to produce it at the bar, and you buy the next round).

It is structurally flawless military folklore. Unfortunately, it withers under the spotlight of rigorous historical investigation.

 

Bureaucratic Silence and Bronze Realities

The United States military during WWI generated an almost unprecedented amount of paperwork. Yet, exhaustive searches by the Pentagon librarians, the Naval History and Heritage Command, and the U.S. Army Center of Military History have found absolutely zero records of this event2.

Furthermore, the National WWI Museum and Memorial in Kansas City holds nearly 500,000 physical objects. Under the stewardship of Senior Curator Doran Cart, they cataloged massive collections of personal mementos and identity tags. They do not possess a single privately minted, unit-specific bronze challenge coin from this era3.

Why? Because minting solid bronze coins in 1918 was practically impossible. The War Industries Board strictly regulated strategic metals like bronze, copper, and tin, directing them exclusively toward the mass production of artillery shells and munitions4. A lieutenant attempting to privately source a foundry and secure restricted bronze for non-essential decorative tokens would have faced insurmountable legal and logistical hurdles.

 

The Real 12th Aero Squadron

Online forums frequently attach this myth to the 12th Aero Squadron. The 12th was a highly active observation squadron, and its commander, Lewis Hyde Brereton, kept meticulous diaries detailing the daily realities of his unit. Glaringly absent from his records is any mention of a private commission of solid bronze medallions5.

The squadron did have wealthy Ivy League volunteers, such as Second Lieutenant William Key Bond Emerson, Jr., a Harvard student. But Emerson’s reality lacked a Hollywood ending. In May 1918, his aircraft was struck by anti-aircraft fire. He was not captured, he did not escape, and he was not saved by a coin; he was tragically killed in action6.

 

How the Myth was Forged

If the coins did not exist in 1918, where did the myth come from? It is a classic case of narrative conflation. Early aviators were awarded physical medals by the civilian Aero Club of America7. However, these were formal medals of honor suspended from ribbons for ceremonial wear, not pocket-carried challenge coins. Modern military members heard that WWI pilots received "medallions" and simply projected their modern drinking culture backward onto history.

The definitive historical consensus is that the physical challenge coin actually originated in the early 1960s with the 11th and 10th Special Forces Groups8.

The drinking game, however, comes from a much grittier place: the Vietnam War. Infantrymen in Southeast Asia initiated "bullet checks" in front-line bars to prove they had seen combat. This escalated dangerously as soldiers began slamming unexploded 105mm artillery shells onto bars in displays of machismo. Military command intervened for safety, directing that live ordnance be replaced by custom-stamped unit coins9.

In 1994, an article in Soldiers Magazine by Major Jeanne Fraser Brooks popularized the WWI myth to the wider military1. The collective military consciousness, perhaps seeking a more dignified origin than a dangerous Vietnam barroom game, successfully grafted their new tradition onto the romanticized framework of early combat aviation.

 

The "Wealthy Lieutenant" may not exist in the archival record, but his enduring legend proves that sometimes, a good story is just as powerful as the truth.

 

References

1) Brooks, Major Jeanne Fraser. "Coining a Tradition." Soldiers Magazine, August 1994.

2) Exhaustive archival reviews conducted by the U.S. Army Center of Military History, Air Force Historical Research Agency, and Naval History and Heritage Command.

3) Cart, Doran. Senior Curator artifact collections, National WWI Museum and Memorial.

4) United States War Industries Board. Strategic Metals and Civilian Conservation Mandates, 1918.

5) Brereton, Lewis Hyde. Diaries and Operational Records of the 12th Aero Squadron.

6) Combat records of Second Lieutenant William Key Bond Emerson, Jr., American Field Service and 12th Aero Squadron, May 1918.

7) Boyd, Gary. History and Museums Program for the Air Education and Training Command, regarding Aero Club of America Medals.

8) Merritt, Roxanne. Curator, John F. Kennedy Special Warfare Museum, Fort Bragg.

9) Spink, Barry. Archivist, Air Force Historical Research Agency, Maxwell Air Force Base.

 

 

Author Bio

Alexander Kidder

Alex Kidder is the CEO of KidderCorp, a veteran-owned business specializing in the design and manufacturing of custom challenge coins. He brings years of expertise to preserving military traditions and helping organizations tell their unique stories through physical craftsmanship. Editor's note: This is a partnership post, and we think the challenge coins are great products genuinely worth your time.

Hedy Lamarr may not be as well-known an actress as Greta Garbo or Marilyn Monroe, but she made a more important contribution to society beyond her acting career.  Lamarr had an acting career in Europe, which led her to the area of invention. She then moved to the USA, where she continued her acting career. There she collaborated with another person on an invention that would make a significant contribution to military and electronic technology. Hedy Lamarr was a lesser-known actress but a co-pioneer in the field of modern electronics communications.

Daniel Boustead explains.

Hedy Lamarr for the film Ziegfeld Girl in 1941. Available here.

Hedy Lamarr was born Hedwig Kiesler in Vienna, Austria, on November 9, 1914, to assimilated Jewish parents.[1]  Hedy’s  mother had converted to Roman Catholicism. Her  mother was a concert pianist who encouraged her to pursue the arts. Lamarr’s acting and interest in inventions started then. It was after taking acting classes that Hedy appeared in the Austrian-German film Money on the Street in 1930. In 1933, she played Empress Elisabeth of Austria in the stage play Sissy in Vienna, earning praise and accolades from the critics.

In August 1933, Hedy married Friedrich “Fritz” Mandl, a wealthy industrialist and Austrian arms manufacturer (1). Hedy converted to Fritz’s Roman Catholic faith.  Fritz, because of his business dealings, associated with Europe’s fascist movements, which included Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.

Mandel supplied ammunition to Fascist Italy and was friends with that country’s leader, Benito Mussolini, who visited for a dinner party (1). It was during these dinner parties that business discussions came up.  Mandl decided to show off his wife, Hedy, by having her sit in on these business dinner meetings.[2] A frequent topic of conversation that came up at Mandl’s meetings was how Mandl’s torpedoes would often completely miss their targets.

What Hedy learned in these business dinner meetings was that the militaries of the time wanted a way to guide torpedoes through the water(2). Although radio control would have helped the torpedoes’ guidance of the day, they could easily be jammed. Fritz Mandl’s Berlin-based munitions factory also dealt with aircraft control systems and the jamming of radio-controlled systems.[3] In the hundreds of dinners and meetings that Hedy attended with her husband Mandl, she learned about radio-jamming and radio-hopping. Hedy, in these various social excursions, learned a lot about the tensions in interwar Europe, and she gained knowledge of arms manufacturing and weaponry (1). These meetings would have a significant impact on the history of electronics and military weapons.

 

Leaving Austria

In 1937, Hedy was deeply unhappy with her marriage to Fritz Mandl and was unable to pursue her acting career in Austria (1). She left the country for London, United Kingdom, that same year.  She also left Austria because she was an Anti-Nazi of Jewish descent (3). It was there that she met with Louis B. Mayer, the co-founder of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM) Studios (1). From London, she boarded the ship SS Normandie for New York. When she arrived in the USA, Hedy changed her name from Hedwig Kiesler to Hedy Lamarr in honor of the silent film actress Barbara La Marr. In 1938, Hedy Lamarr had her breakthrough Hollywood role in the film Algiers. Her biggest film hit was Samson and Delilah in 1949.

Hedy Lamarr’s impact in the field of electronics and military weapons was a result of the U-Boat war against the Allies (1). On September 17, 1940, the SS City of Benares was transporting 90 evacuee children from the United Kingdom to Canada. It was sunk by a German U-Boat. The vast majority of the children and adult passengers died in the attack. Hedy Lamarr was motivated to support the Allied cause because of this incident.

In 1940, Hedy met avant-garde composer George Antheil at a Hollywood dinner party (1). George Antheil was also her neighbor (3).  It was after striking up a friendship with Antheil that they began working on her idea for a remote-controlled torpedo because of the previously mentioned sinking (1). Hedy came up with the idea of using radio-frequency hopping to reduce the risk of detection or jamming for radio-controlled torpedoes (3). Although the concept of radio control for torpedoes was nothing new, the idea of frequency hopping was). Lamarr would use radio broadcasting over an apparently random series of radio frequencies and then switched from frequency to frequency at split-second intervals. This resulted in the radio signals being able to avoid being jammed. The radio receiver was to be synchronized with the transmitter so that the two could jump frequencies together. If both the radio transmitter and the radio receiver were hopping in sync, the message could be transmitted clearly. However, if the opposing force tried to intercept the radio message, it would only hear random noise. The theory of frequency hopping was Hedy’s contribution to the guidance of the new torpedo.

 

Invention

George Antheil’s contribution to the torpedo was to develop a device inside of it (3). This device had the role of paper, with punched-in holes that allowed both radios in the torpedo to be controlled by the same pattern of holes on the paper.

Hedy Lamarr and George Antheil worked on this idea for several months, and then in December, 1940 sent the description of the device to the National Inventors Council (3). The chairman of the organization was Charles Kettering, who was also the Research Director of General Motors. Kettering suggested that they consult the Electrical Engineering Department at the California Institute of Technology to help refine and perfect their concept.  On June 10, 1941, Lamarr and Antheil filed for a patent application for their invention (1). Hedy Lamarr filed the patent under her married name at the time, Hedy Kiesler Markey. On August 11, 1942, the invention received US patent No. 2,292,387 (1). The U.S. Patent was also referred to as No. 2,292,387A (5). The patent was listed under the title “Secret Communications System”, and it mentioned that a high altitude observation aircraft could steer the torpedo from above (3). Hedy and George sold the patent rights to the U.S. Navy. However, the U.S. Navy said they could not use the device because it was too large to fit into a torpedo. Hedy and George never profited from the device during their lifetime.[4] The concept of frequency hopping largely disappeared after World War II ended.

In 1957, Sylvania Electronics adapted the Antheil and Lamarr patent by using transistors in their device (3). In 1959, the original Lamarr and Antheil Patent expired, including Hedy’s right to the patent.[5]  In that same year, George Antheil died (1). The new device was used on ships that were used to blockade Cuba during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis (3). The frequency-hopping spread-spectrum device known by the acronym BLADES was installed on the Mount McKinley, the flagship of the U.S. Navy’s amphibious forces during the Cuban Missile Crisis.[6]  The BLADES device on the Mount McKinley was not tested during the Cuban Missile Crisis due to a radio silence order. The American military also used the concept of frequency hopping in the development of “sonobuoys,” which were used to detect enemy submarines (1). In addition, by the time of the  Cuban Missile Crisis, American military ships had torpedoes which were controlled by frequency-hopping systems.

In 1997, Antheil and Lamarr were jointly honored with the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Pioneer Award (1). Hedy Lamarr’s son, Anthony, accepted the 1997 award on her behalf and played a message during the ceremony.[7] In the tape-recorded message, Hedy stated: “In acknowledgement of your honoring me, I hope you feel as well as I feel good about it, and it was not done in vain. Thank You”.[8]    The ceremony was held on the evening of March 12, 1997, at the Electronic Frontier Foundation conference in Burlingame, California, outside of San Francisco (7).  Lamarr and Antheil received the Sixth Annual Pioneer Award at the Electronic Frontier Foundation conference.

Hedy Lamarr passed away on January 19, 2000 in Casselberry, Florida at the age of 85 (1).

 

Legacy

Today, Antheil-Lamarr’s concept is called “Spread Spectrum,” and more than 1,000 Spread Spectrum patents refer back to the Lamarr-Antheil patent (3). Spread Spectrum is now the basis for wireless communications such as WiFi and Bluetooth. These technologies allow devices to operate in the same radio spectrum without interfering with each other’s signals. “Spread spectrum” is also a foundational technology used in military communications technologies, as well as in GPS and phone networks (1).

Hedy Lamarr’s acting career in the entertainment industry did not produce the level of fame that her contemporaries did.  She would escape the clutches of Nazi-occupied Europe and continue her acting career in the USA.  Her collaboration with George Antheil revolutionized the world of electronic communications. Hedy Lamarr was not an “A-list” actress, but, she and George Antheil left a lasting legacy in modern military communications and the modern electronic and digital world.

 

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References

Butler, Alun. “Heady Lamarr, Movie Star and Inventor of Torpedo-control”: Naval Historical Review, (June, 1999), 1-2. Naval Historical Society of Australia, https://navyhistory.au/hedy-lamarr-movie-star-and-inventor-of-torpedo-control/.

IEEE  Standards Association. .”Actress/Inventor Hedy Lamarr-and How Far Wireless Communications Has  Come”. June 23rd, 2023. Accessed  March 18th, 2026, https://standards.ieee.org/beyond-standards/hedy-lamarr/.

Lansberg, Erica. “Hedy Lamarr’s WWII Invention Helped Shape Modern Tech”. The National WWII Museum New Orleans, April 23rd, 2025, https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/hedy-lamarrs-wwii-invention-helped-shape-modern-tech.

National Inventors Hall of Fame. “Hedy Lamarr: Frequency Hopping Communications System”. 2016. Accessed March 18th, 2026. https://www.invent.org/inductees/hedy-lamarr.

Rhodes, Richard, Hedy’s Folly: The Life and Breakthrough Inventions of Hedy Lamarr: The Most Beautiful Women in the World. New York, New York: Vintage Books: A Division of Random House, Inc., 2011.

Wolf, William, U.S. Aerial Armament in World War II: The Ultimate Look: Air-launched Rockets, Mines, Torpedoes, Guided Missiles, and Secret Weapons. 3 vols. Atglen, Pennsylvania: Schiffer Military History of Schiffer Publishing Ltd, 2010.


[1] Lansberg, Erica. “Hedy Lamarr’s WWII Invention Helped Shape Modern Tech”. The National WWII Museum New Orleans, April 23rd, 2025, https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/hedy-lamarrs-wwii-invention-helped-shape-modern-tech .

[2] Butler, Alun. “Heady Lamarr, Movie Star and Inventor of Torpedo-control”: Naval Historical Review, (June, 1999), 1-2.  Naval Historical Society of Australia, https://navyhistory.au/hedy-lamarr-movie-star-and-inventor-of-torpedo-control/ .

[3] Wolf, William,  U.S. Aerial Armament in World War II: The Ultimate Look: Air-launched Rockets, Mines, Torpedoes, Guided Missiles, and Secret Weapons. 3 vols. Atglen, Pennsylvania: Schiffer Military History of Schiffer Publishing Ltd, 2010. 105.

[4] National Inventors Hall of Fame. “Hedy Lamarr: Frequency Hopping Communications System”. 2016. Accessed March 18th, 2026. https://www.invent.org/inductees/hedy-lamarr .

[5] IEEE  Standards Association. .”Actress/Inventor Hedy Lamarr-and How Far Wireless Communications Has  Come”.  June 23rd, 2023. Accessed  March 18th, 2026, https://standards.ieee.org/beyond-standards/hedy-lamarr/ .

[6] Rhodes, Richard, Hedy’s Folly: The Life and Breakthrough Inventions of Hedy Lamarr: The Most Beautiful Women in the World. New York, New York: Vintage Books: A Division of Random House, Inc., 2011. 200.

[7] Lansberg, Erica. “Hedy Lamarr’s WWII Invention Helped Shape Modern Tech”. The National WWII Museum New Orleans, April 23rd, 2025, https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/hedy-lamarrs-wwii-invention-helped-shape-modern-tech.; Rhodes, Richard, Hedy’s Folly: The Life and Breakthrough Inventions of Hedy Lamarr: The Most Beautiful Women in the World. New York, New York: Vintage Books: A Division of Random House, Inc., 2011. 214.

[8] Rhodes, Richard, Hedy’s Folly: The Life and Breakthrough Inventions of Hedy Lamarr: The Most Beautiful Women in the World. New York, New York: Vintage Books: A Division of Random House, Inc., 2011. 214.

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