The European Revolutions of 1848: A Failed Turning Point

In the year 1848, a series of revolutions swept across the European continent. Motivated by a variety of liberal, nationalist, and other radical ideas, these revolutions were initially very successful in toppling their respective governments. Countries from the great powers of France, Austria, and Prussia to the smaller states in Italy and Germany had their monarchical governments bound by constitutions or replaced by republics. However, within a few years, these new liberal governments were supplanted by counter revolutionaries and replaced by conservative regimes once again.

Nolan Douglas explains.

An 1841 portrait of King Louis Philippe I of France. By Franz Xaver Winterhalter.

Liberalism and Conservatism in the 19th Century

It needs to be understood that the beliefs of liberalism and conservatism in 19th century Europe are far different from how we perceive these ideologies now. At the time, liberalism was a fairly new ideology with a focus on securing individual rights, modernizing feudal systems and replacing them with capitalism, varying degrees of democracy, and constitutional government. The constitution of the United States is an excellent example of what European liberalism looked like in the 19th century. On the other hand, 19th century European conservatism was about order and tradition, focusing on maintaining powerful monarchies and aristocracies with little to no restrictions on their power.

The Conservative Order in Europe

In the wake of the Napoleonic Wars, Europe was reorganized at the 1814-1815 Congress of Vienna. At the congress, the great powers of Europe, the United Kingdom, France, Prussia, Austria, and Russia agreed to maintain a new status quo in hopes of avoiding a repeat of the upheavals of the last twenty years. Because Napoleon had abolished the old Holy Roman Empire, which had previously encompassed what is today Germany, Austria, and the Czech Republic, this territory was reorganized as a loose German Confederation, dominated by Austria and, to a lesser extent, Prussia. France was now a constitutional monarchy under the Bourbon dynasty, the same family which had ruled the country before the 1789 French Revolution. Italy was divided between a number of small states, the most powerful of which were the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and the Papal States (which were ruled by the Pope). The Austrian Empire also controlled the rich provinces of Lombardy and Venetia, containing the major cities of Milan and Venice. Klemens von Metternich, the Austrian foreign minister, was an important architect of the new conservative order in Europe and would be a symbol of the status quo until 1848.

France: A New Republic

Following Napoleon's final defeat in 1815, France was again a monarchy under King Louis XVIII. This new King Louis was the younger brother of King Louis XVI who was executed during the 1789 French Revolution. In the period from 1815 to 1830, France was a constitutional monarchy, but with a very limited electorate I. In 1830, Charles X was overthrown in the 1830 July Revolution and replaced by King Louis Philippe, a more liberal-minded constitutional monarch from the Orléans branch of the Bourbon dynasty. While Louis Phillippe's regime (known as the July Monarchy) was more popular than that of Charles X, many people in France wanted a more representative government. While France under the July Monarchy had a bit more representation in its parliament than the regime of Charles X, only around 170,000 of France's richest men could vote under this more liberal government. In 1832, there had been an unsuccessful republican revolt which was violently crushed by the July Monarchy (this is the revolt depicted in Les Misérables). This massacre further tainted the image of the July Monarchy and Louis Philippe, increasing the desire for a republic.

On February 22, 1848, a pro-republican protest erupted in violence as the government called in the National Guard to break up the crowd. Overnight, Paris was embroiled in Revolution once again with barricades popping up across the city. On February 23, Louis Philippe abdicated his throne, and French republicans began to build the Second French Republic. The constitution of this new republic guaranteed universal suffrage and was initially popular, but would be even more short lived than its predecessor. The Second French Republic was composed mostly of moderate, liberal republicans with a huge majority in the Constituent Assembly, although conservatives and democratic socialists held significant numbers of seats as well. In June of 1848, more radical republican workers rose up in Paris against the republic, believing it wasn't democratic enough. Although these radical insurgents were put down by the government, the fear created by this uprising caused many French people to grow wary of the more radical elements of the revolution. As a result, conservatives began gaining ground in the republic. In December, Louis Napoleon, nephew of the famous conqueror, was elected president. In the elections of 1849, the conservative Party of Order won a majority in the Constituent Assembly, unseating the moderate liberal majority. In December of 1851, Louis Napoleon organized a coup and overthrew the government, establishing himself as a dictator. On 2 December, 1852, the same date as his uncle in 1804, Louis Napoleon was crowned Emperor of the French under the name Napoleon III. Within just a few years, the Second French Republic had met the same fate as the first.

Italy: A War for Unification

The revolutions in Italy began January 12 of 1848 with a revolt in Palermo against the Bourbon King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies. Within a month, Ferdinand II was forced to grant a liberal constitution in his kingdom or be dethroned. Throughout the spring of 1848, the monarchs of Tuscany, Piedmont-Sardinia, and the Papal States all followed suit by granting liberal constitutions limiting their power. Initially, many Italian revolutionaries hoped to establish a united Italy under the leadership of Pope Pius IX who was seen as a liberal reformer and might be willing to take up the role. Other revolutionaries wanted a constitutional monarchy under the Piedmontese monarchy while more radical revolutionaries hoped to establish a united and democratic Italian Republic. On March 18, the city of Milan rose up against the Austrians in a revolt known as the Five Days of Milan. After five days of fighting, the Austrian troops, led by the Czech Marshal Radetzky, were driven out of the city. During this revolt, another revolt began in Venice on March 22 and a republic was declared in Venetia. The following day, the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, led by King Charles Albert, declared war on the Austrian Empire, beginning the First Italian War of Independence with support from Italian revolutionary volunteers from across the peninsula. While the Sardinians and other Italian revolutionaries had some initial successes and advanced into Lombardy-Venetia, they were ultimately defeated by the better trained Austrian troops under Marshal Radetzky by March of 1849.

While the Austrians fought the Piedmontese and Italian volunteer forces, central and southern Italy were in the midst of their own revolutions. Although he had agreed to a constitution, Pope Pius IX fled Rome to seek refuge in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies on November 25, 1848 following the assassination of Pellegrino Rossi, his minister of interior. Now leaderless, Italian revolutionaries in the Papal States founded a new Roman Republic on February 9, 1849. Soon after, a Tuscan Republic was founded in Tuscany following the flight of its Grand Duke. In March of 1849, French troops landed in the Roman Republic. Initially there was hope that these French troops would aid the revolution, but the French instead seized the city of Rome and toppled the Roman Republic under orders from President Louis Napoleon. With this act, France had sided with the counterrevolution. With Austrian troops victorious in the north, the Roman Republic crushed, and the Two-Sicilies siding with the Austrians, the revolutions in Italy were quelled. Because of divides and mistrust between the revolutionaries Italian nationalists would have to wait for their dream of a united Italy to come to fruition. While Italy remained divided , Piedmont-Sardinia retained a constitutional monarchy as an artifact of 1848, eventually completing the Unification of Italy in 1870.

Austrian Empire: Habsburg Rule in Turmoil

The Austrian Empire was built over the course of centuries by the Habsburg family, mainly through dynastic marriages with very little military conquest. Through these marriages, the Habsburgs built a vast, multi-ethnic empire in the center of Europe. While it had been a major European power for several centuries, the Austrian Empire was rife with ethnic divisions. Habsburg subjects included Austrian Germans, Magyars (Hungarians), Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Poles, Ruthenians (Ukrainians), Romanians, Slovenes, Serbs, and Croats. Although the Austrian Germans were the ruling class, they made up a fairly small proportion of the overall population of the empire. These ethnicities were divided in their goals and hopes for the future of the empire, and this showed in the revolutions. While many German revolutionaries sought to join Austria with the German unification efforts centered in Frankfurt, most Magyar revolutionaries wanted either autonomy or independence for the Hungarian nation. Many Czechs hoped for the same for their own people.

Throughout the spring of 1848, revolts began across the empire. By the end of March, Austrian Emperor Ferdinand I promised to accept a constitution. In the chaos, liberal nationalists in Hungary, led by Lajos Kossuth, seized their moment and passed liberal legislation. This liberal legislation, known as the April Laws, transformed the Kingdom of Hungary into an autonomous, parliamentary democracy within the Habsburg empire, abolished serfdom, created a Hungarian National Guard, and established freedom of the press and religious equality. With these laws, Hungary became one of the most liberal nations in Europe, but also placed itself at odds with the Habsburg monarchy. However, the April Laws also alienated some minorities within Hungary, such as Transylvanians, Germans, Slovaks, Croats, and Serbs because the laws established Hungary as an ethnic nation state. While Hungary became the center of the revolutions in the Austrian Empire, revolutionaries also seized power in Prague and Vienna. On May 17, despite promising a constitution two days earlier, Emperor Ferdinand I fled Vienna. In the summer, the counterrevolution began as Prague was bombarded and captured by Habsburg forces in June. In September, Croatian forces loyal to the Habsburgs invaded Hungary, and Vienna was bombarded and captured by Habsburg forces on October 31. For the next few months, a civil war raged between Austria and Hungary, with Hungary declaring an independent republic on April 13, 1849. However, in June of 1849, Russian forces invaded Hungary in support of the counterrevolution, sealing the fate of the young republic and putting the revolutions in the Austrian Empire to an end. Over the course of the revolutions in Austria, Emperor Ferdinand was forced to abdicate and was replaced by his eighteen year old nephew, Franz Joseph, who would reign until his death in 1916.

Prussia and Germany: A Crown from the Gutter

Similarly to Italy in this period, Germany too was divided between many small states, albeit many more than Italy. Unlike Italy, Germany was loosely united under the German Confederation which could be compared to the modern European Union on a smaller scale. The Austrian Emperor was somewhat of a leader of this loose confederation as the president of the Federal Convention, but held little real power over the other German states. The Kingdom of Prussia was the other major power within the German Confederation and competed for influence among the smaller German states with Austria. With the Austrian Empire in turmoil in 1848, the rest of Germany too was engulfed in revolution. On March 15, protests erupted in the Prussian capital of Berlin. The Prussian king, Frederick William IV, quickly accepted the demands of the protesters, promising to grant them a liberal constitution. However, on March 18, a true revolution broke out in the city when Prussian troops fired on protesters. King Frederick William, although still promising a constitution and siding with the liberals on paper, fled the city. Conservative monarchs throughout the small states of the German Confederation were similarly forced to accept liberal constitutions in the spring of 1848. On May 18, 1848, a new German National Assembly made up of representatives from across Germany, including Prussia and Austria, met in Frankfurt. Soon after, a Prussian Constituent Assembly was formed. The Frankfurt Parliament would spend the next year creating a constitution and ironing out the details of a united Germany.

For months, the Frankfurt Parliament debated the specifics of what shape this new Germany would take. Would it be a centralized, democratic republic in the same vein as France? Would it be a more decentralized, liberal empire? If so, who would be its Emperor? Should Austria be included? If so, should the entire Austrian Empire be integrated into Germany, or just the German speaking parts? These questions divided the Parliament and made creating a constitution difficult. Ultimately, it was decided that a liberal constitutional monarchy under the King of Prussia would be created, excluding Austria entirely. However, by the time the Frankfurt Constitution was completed On March 27, 1849, Prussia had crushed its revolution and the King had dissolved the Constituent Assembly the previous December. When the Frankfurt Parliament offered King Frederick William IV the crown of a united German Empire, he rejected it, calling it a "crown from the gutter." This was the nail in the coffin for a united liberal Germany. Despite most of the minor German states ratifying the constitution, a united Germany could not be forged without support from Prussia or Austria.

The Failed Turning Point

English historian A.J.P. Taylor once said of the Revolutions of 1848 that "German history reached its turning point and failed to turn." While he was specifically referencing the revolutions in Germany, this quote rings true for all of the revolutions across the continent. Despite being quickly and widely successful at their initial goals, the revolutionaries of 1848 could not agree on their end goals, allowing the counterrevolution to sweep through Europe just as quickly.

What do you think of the European Revolutions of 1848? Let us know below.

Nolan writes at The Era of Change blog here.

References

"Napoleonic Germany and the Revolution of 1848." In A Brief History of Germany, by Jason P. Coy. Facts On File, 2010.

"Whose Empire? The Revolutions of 1848–1849" In The Habsburg Empire : A New History, by Pieter M. Judson. 2016. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press.

Rapport, Mike. 1848: Year Of Revolution. United Kingdom: Little, Brown Book Group, 2010.

Nazi Involvement in the Spanish Civil War: The Nazis Longest Lasting Political and Military Victory

Nazi Germany was actively involved in the Spanish Civil War on the side of General Franco’s Nationalists. The Nazis helped the Nationalists in various ways. Here, Daniel Boustead looks at how the Nazis supported them militarily.

The aftermath of the bombing of Guernica, Spain. Source: Bundesarchiv, Bild 183-H25224 / Unknown author / CC-BY-SA 3.0, available here.

Nazi Germany’s involvement in the Spanish Civil War has been well documented by historians. The origins of Nazis support for the Spanish Nationalists was between 1931 and 1936. Nazi military support for Francisco Franco’s Nationalist forces was entirely motivated by political and financial reasons. The Nazi support helped the Nationalists achieve important military and strategic victories during the conflict. In the Spanish Civil War the Nazis got to test out new military weapons and tactics which would be later used effectively in World War II. In fact the Nazis were probably the decisive factor in bringing Francisco Franco to power in Spain.

In 1931 the monarchy fell in Spain, and it became a republic (1). Spain was thrown into further disarray and chaos after the results of the February 16, 1936, elections. These elections resulted in the left-wing “People’s Front” achieving a majority 473 seats to the other parties 256 seats in the Spanish Parliament. Fearing Spain would drift into a left-wing Communist government, on July 17, 1936, General Mola led, directed and organized a successful uprising in Melilla, Spanish Morocco(2). General Francisco Franco y Bahamonde, was in exile on the Canary Islands and upon hearing the news of the Nationalist uprising in Melilla, he was thrilled.

The government had placed General Francisco Franco as military commander of the Canary Islands as a form of banishment because of his opposition to the government. Franco had previously served as Chief of the General Staff of the Spanish Army of the Second Republic in 1935(4). He had long hated the Spanish government. In short order Franco and General Orgaz assumed the military command of the Canary Islands group. On July 18, 1936, Franco departed for Tetuan, Spanish Morocco aboard a British aircraft, where he arrived on July 19, after an en route stop at Casablanca (3). On that day, having already been informed of the objectives of the revolt by officers allied to Franco, the entire garrison of the city of Tetuan declared itself for the Nationalist side.

The Republican government  had no concern about Franco’s forces in Spanish Morocco. The Republican Naval fleets were carefully watching the Straits of Gibraltar, making transport of any Nationalist units by sea all but impossible. Later, on October 1, 1936, General Franco’s investiture as the New Chief of State of the Spanish State was proclaimed to the Nationalist forces and a ceremony took place (11).

A request to the Nazis

On July 23, 1936, a dispatch arrived at the German Foreign Affairs Office from Tetuan via the German Military Attache in Paris(5). In the dispatch, General Franco and Oberstleutnant Beigbeder, (former Spanish Military Attaché in Berlin), requested the delivery of ten military transport aircraft to Spanish Morocco. The recommendation of the Foreign Affairs Office to the Reich War Ministry, was absolutely neutral and tended to be rather negatively inclined towards Franco’s request. On July 24, 1936, a further telegram reached the German Foreign Affairs Office. It contained an announcement from the Tetuan Consulate that the requestioned and later charted DLH Ju 52 was to fly to Berlin. This flight would bring the Germans Johannes Bernhardt and Adolf Langenheim and a Spanish Air Force Officer Captain Arranz to present a handwritten note from General Franco to the Nazis. Adolf Langenheim was a member of the Nazi Party’s foreign branch in Tetuan and had numerous business dealings with General Franco and was thus well connected with him. Langenheim’s primary motives for supporting and seeking aid to General Franco were more business than idealistic aims. On July 24, 1936, Adolf Langenheim, Johannes Bernhardt, and Spanish Air Force Captain Arrantz arrived at Berlin-Gatow and were sent to see Adolf Hitler who was enjoying the Richard Wagner Festival at Bayreuth. On July 25, 1936, Johannes Bernhardt, Adolf Langenheim, and Captain Arranz, met with Adolf Hitler, Generalfeldmarchall Goring, War Minister Von Blomberg, and a representative of Vizadmiral Raeder, Kapitan zur See Coupette of the German Navy. The meetings between these two parties from July 25-26, 1936, succeeded in giving Nazi support to General Franco’s forces.

Reasons for support

The primary reasons the Nazis wanted to support General Franco was to make Spain a bulwark against Communism, to seek improvement in Germany’s foreign exchange situation, the future of Germany’s trade agreement with Spain, and to improve the interests of the 10,000 ethnic Germans living in Spain. The Initial discussions on the organization and extent of the aid for Spain then moved to the RLM. On July 26, 1936, the Reich RLM’s General der Fleiger Milch gave Generalleutnant Helmut Wilberg the job of creating Sondertab W, a central office for supplying the material and personnel needs of the German volunteers in Spain(6).

On July 26, the mixed delegation’s request for 10 Ju 52 transport aircrafts was increased to 20 Ju 52 transport aircrafts, which were to be delivered to Sevilla and Tetuan by DLH pilots via the shortest possible route that was approved by both sides. Also, in July the organization of HISMA Ltda was formed to act as a cover organization for the agreed upon transport of troops from Spanish Morocco to the mainland, as well as the delivery of German aircraft and materiel. The registered owners of HISMA Ltda was the Spanish Admiral Ramon Carrazanna and Johannes Bernhardt. Until the start of the Legion Condor, HISMA was responsible for supplying, accommodating and paying the German volunteers; in addition, it was the administrative office for all German aid deliveries and the liaison center between the Spanish headquarters and “Sonderstab Wilberg”. On August 6, 1936, the first German equipment, troops and personnel arrived at Cadiz (7). On October 2, 1936, the purely German partner company of HISMA was created in Berlin and was known as ROWAK GmbH, an indication of the Third Reich’s increasing economic interest in events in Spain.

The initial German troops and equipment that landed on Cadiz on August 6, 1936, were quickly transported by rail cars to Sevilla on August 7. In the meantime, ten Ju 52 transports had been ferried to Tablada airfield near Sevilla by Lufthansa captains, so that Bubb Moreau and his forty-two man group were able to begin transport flights from Tetuan to Sevilla at once. The Germans had originally been forbidden to fly operational sorties, except to provide escort to the transport aircraft in these operations(8). The sole task of the volunteer pilots was to train Spanish crews to fly and use the Ju 52 and He 51.

The Nazi supply chain was a success. Indeed, by the time German aerial supply flights ended in mid- October 1936, a total of 13,500 Nationalist men and 269 tons of war material had been flown to Spain(9).

On November 7, the Legion Condor was created under the command of Hugo Sperrle (10). The Legion Condor arrived at the Port of Cadiz and Sevilla on November 29, 1936, helping expand the Nazi’s military role. This unit consisted of an air force unit, anti-aircraft unit, a ground forces unit, and other miscellaneous units (12). On April 26, 1937, the Nazi Condor Legion in conjunction with the Italian Air Force bombed the Basque town of Guernica (13). The bombing of Guernica resulted in blocking the avenue of retreat for the Spanish Republican forces. The bombed out and collapsed structures in Guernica hindered this retreat. According to recent studies, the bombing of Guernica resulted in some 126 tragic deaths (14).

By the end of Spanish Civil War, the Condor Legion had shot down 277 Republican aircraft in air-to-air combat, and 58 by anti-aircraft fire (guns supplied and manned by Germans). This is a grand total of 335 Republican aircraft destroyed by the Legion Condor(18).

The BF 109 Fighter got its combat debut in Spain the from 1937 to 1939 (15). On May 11, 1937, Spanish Gun batteries equipped with 88 mm guns opened fire on two Soviet T-26 B tanks in the grounds of “La Buena Vista”, south of Toledo (16). The German 88 millimeter gun would later become a much-feared anti-tank weapon during World War II.  It was also in the Spanish Civil War where Luftwaffe began to operate as teams as opposed to operating alone in World War I like the Red Baron did  (17). On March 12, 1938, the Legion Condor’s F/88s 88/56 mm anti-aircraft guns were used in conjunction with tanks and ground planes to help the 5th Navarra Division’s advance of 36 kilometers between Belchite and Escatron (19). The unit F/88’s coordination in this attack with tanks and ground attack planes, and the need to change the positions of the anti-aircraft guns three times was a success. This would later be used during the “Blitzkrieg” tactics of World War II .

The Nazi support for Franco helped him get into power and provided the Nazis with their longest lasting military and political victory. Francisco Franco remained in power from 1939 to 1975.

Now, read our book on the Spanish Civil War here.

Now, you can read World War II history from Daniel: “Did World War Two Japanese Kamikaze Attacks have more Impact than Nazi V-2 Rockets?” here, “Japanese attacks on the USA in World War II” here, and “Was the Italian Military in World War 2 Really that Bad?” here.

References

1 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans.  The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War-1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 9.

2 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War-1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania.  Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 10.

3 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War-1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania.  Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 10 to 11.

4 Preston, Paul. FRANCO: A Biography. New York: New York. Basic Books. 1994. 109.

5 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania.  Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992 12.

6 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd.1992. 12 to 13.

7 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania.  Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 14.

8 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 15.

9 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor; A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939.  Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 17.

10 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 37 to 38.

11 Preston, Paul. FRANCO: A Biography. New York: New York. Basic Books. 1994. 184 to 185.

12 Arias, Raul, Molina, Lucas, and Permuy, Rafel. LEGION CONDOR: HISTORY. ORGANIZATION.UNIFORMS.AWARDS. MEMROBILA 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 2013. 40 to 41.

13 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992 62 to 64.

14 Arias, Raul, Molina, Lucas, and Permuy, Rafael. LEGION CONDOR: HISTORY. ORGANIZATION. UNIFORMS. AWARDS. MEMROBILA. 1936-1939.  Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 2013. 62 to 63.

15 Ries, Karl and Ring, Hans. The Legion Condor: A History of the Luftwaffe in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1992. 261 to 262.

16 Garcia, Jose Ma Manrique and Molina, Lucas. Flak Artillery of the LEGION CONDOR: FLAK Abteilung(mot.) F/88 in the Spanish Civil War . 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing. Ltd. 2009. 46.

17 Pavelec, S. Mike. World War II DATA BOOK: The Luftwaffe 1933-1945: The Essential Facts and Figures for Goring’s Air Force. London: United Kingdom. Amber Books Ltd. 2010. 14.

18 Pavelec, S. Mike. World War II DATA BOOK: The Luftwaffe 1933-1945: The Essential Facts and Figures for Goring’s Air Force. London: United Kingdom. Amber Books Ltd. 2010. 15.

19 Garcia, Jose Ma Manrique and Molina. Lucas. Flak Artillery of the LEGION CONDOR: FLAK Abteilung (mot.) F/88 in the Spanish Civil War. 1936-1939. Atglen: Pennsylvania.  Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 2009. 61.

What Caused the Hundred Years War?

The Hundred Years War took place between France and England in the 14th and 15th centuries, but the causes of the war are many and complex. Here, Jonathan Riley concludes his series and considers what the key reasons for the Hundred Years War truly were.

If you missed it, you can read Jonathan’s first piece on the rise of Capetian power here, and the expansion of Plantagenet power here, and Anglo-French conflict in the 13th century here.

A depiction of the marriage of King Charles IV of France and Marie of Luxembourg. By Jean Fouquet.

The Hundred Years War did not just begin as a dynastic dispute which left the throne of France having multiple claimants with the death of Charles IV of France, the last male of the mainline of the Capet dynasties, in 1328. The driving forces behind this conflict were geopolitical, historical, and dynastic disputes over the succession and the expansion of Capet’s dynastic power in France during the 12th and 13th centuries.

The End of the Capetian Kings of France

During Charles’ six years as the King of France from 1322 CE to 1328 CE, he launched his attempt to claim Gascony from King Edward III’s father, Edward II of England, who reigned from 1307 CE to 1327 CE. Philip VI of France, the successor to Charles IV and the first Valois King of France from 1328 CE to 1350 CE, attempted to seize Gascony from King Edward III of England the same way the French kings from 1295 tried to take Gascony away from the Plantagenet dynasty. Philip VI also blocked trade or attempted to block English wool merchants from selling their wool to be turned into cloth in Flanders; this was an economic reason for the Hundred Years' War (Sumption, 1999). Another reason that contributed to the conflict was the renewed alliance between King David I of Scotland and Philip Vi of France during the 1330s, when King Edward III attempted to bring Scotland into the English crown. This meant an inevitable clash between the kings of England and France over territory, economics, security, and the aims of both dynasties in England and France. Another factor that must be considered is the weight of history. Since Hugh Capet was elected King of the Franks in 987, this conflict became an inevitability because since Hugh became King, his descendants have all slowly expanded the role, dynastic prestige, and other avenues of symbolism, practicality to expand their power within and without the kingdom of France. This goes to show that the Hundred Years War was not created from a vacuum, merely a continuation of foreign policy and the conflict between territorial princes that began as early as the 1050s with Henry I of France fighting Duke William II of Normandy due to him being a threat to royal power in the north of France.

The Political and Geopolitics Between the Kingdoms of England & France

The kingdoms of England and France have historically been fighting each other since the Norman conquest. Until the battle of Waterloo in 1815 CE, this violence and conflict spanned the globe and Europe for centuries, although it did not come purely from the Hundred Years War. Still, there is a political and geopolitical dimension to this. There is a reason why nations, kingdoms, and even civilizations did not survive until the modern era; the answer can be summed up in simple geography. The kingdom of England, by the 13th century encompassed the principalities of Wales and parts of Scotland and Ireland, and by the start of the Hundred Years War in the mid-14th century, England had many good reasons to fight France. One of these reasons was that English territory too often did not enable trade - England was also full of swampland and hard to navigate terrain, with areas such as East Anglia and northern England being far from London. Equally, Wales is hilly and not useful for growing crops. So, why did this contribute to the Hundred Years War? The answer to that is that the kings of England no longer had useful territories that could be taken within the British Isles and that the ancestral Plantagenet lands in Europe were a good option for the continued growth of the kingdom.

As for the French, the rulers of the country had been in or wanted some type of conflict with England for centuries. The Valois dynasty that succeeded after the death of Charles IV of France in many ways continued the policy of Capetian Kings since 987 CE in securing and expanding the Royal domains. Indeed, Philip IV and his successors had attempted to remove Plantagenets from the mainland European continent.

All told, the reasons for the Hundred Years War were varied and complex - and they form part of a long history of conflict between England and France.

What do you think the key reasons for the Hundred Years War were? Let us know below.

Bibliography

Brown, E. A. R. (2012). Moral Imperatives and Conundrums of Conscience: Reflections on Philip the Fair of France. Speculum, 87(1), 1–36. https://www.jstor.o rg/stable/41409273?searchText=Philip%20iV%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BiV%2Bof%2BFrance&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A53cb91140781cd8dbcae9f5db0030351

Bates, D. (2018). William the Conqueror (The English Monarchs Series) (Reprint). Yale University Press.  

Gold, C. (2019). King of the North Wind: The Life of Henry II in Five Acts (Reprint). William Collins. 

Hallam, E. M., & West, C. (2020). Capetian France, 987-1328. Routledge.

Higham, J. K. (2022). Summary of Powers and Thrones: A New History of the Middle Ages By Dan Jones. Independently published. 

Jones, D. (2014). The Plantagenets: the warrior kings and queens who made England. Viking Penguin Books.  

Jones, D. (2015). The Hollow Crown (Main). Faber & Faber.

King, A. (2016). Edward I (Penguin Monarchs). Penguin UK.

Morris, M. (2016). A great and terrible king: Edward I and the forging of Britain. Pegasus Books.  

Morris, M. (2016). King John: Treachery, Tyranny and the Road to Magna Carta. RANDOM HOUSE.

Rothwell, H. (1927). Edward I’s Case against Philip the Fair over Gascony in 1298. The English Historical Review, 42(168), 572–582. https://www.jstor.org/stable/552416?searchText=French%20and%20English%20war%201294%20to%201298&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DFrench%2Band%2BEnglish%2Bwar%2B1294%2Bto%2B1298&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A39802e10c624f58a2f9bb666a21bdb4a

Strayer, J. R. (1956). Philip the Fair--A “Constitutional” King. The American Historical Review, 62(1), 18. https://doi.org/10.2307/1848510

Sumption, J. (1999). The Hundred Years War: Trial by Battle (The Middle Ages Series, Volume 1). University of Pennsylvania Press. 

Wood, C. T. (1979). The English Crisis of 1297 in the Light of French Experience. Journal of British Studies, 18(2), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1086/385734

van Gorp, D. (2011). Historical introduction: The War of Bouvines. Medieval Warfare, 1(1), 6–9. In- https://www.jstor.org/stable/48579318?searchText=Philip%20II%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BII%2Bof%2BFrance%26efqs%3DeyJjdHkiOlsiYW05MWNtNWhiQT09Il19&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A3364281838a88ad84064941ed698cf13

Zeihan, P. (2020). Disunited Nations: The Scramble for Power in an Ungoverned World (Illustrated). Harper Business.

Zeihan, P. (2022). The End of the World Is Just the Beginning: Mapping the Collapse of Globalization. Harper Business.

Conflict Between England and France in the 13th Century

The Hundred Years War took place between France and England in the 14th and 15th centuries, but the causes of the war are many and complex. Here, Jonathan Riley looks at how France and England interacted during the 13th century, including the framework between France and England, and France’s alliance with Scotland.

If you missed it, you can read Jonathan’s first piece on the rise of Capetian power here, and the expansion of Plantagenet power here.

An apparent depiction of King Edward I of England.

The cause of The Hundred Years War were a series of territorial and legal disputes between the French crown and their vassals, the kings of England, regarding their continental holdings. The Treaty of Paris in 1259 established a framework of peace between both kingdoms. It lasted until the Anglo-French war of 1294 to 1298, with the peace ending due to Philip iV of France’s war in the Netherlands and alliance with Scotland. The peace was only temporarily restored with the second marriage of Edward I of England and Princess Margaret, the daughter of King Philip III of France.

Constitutional Legal Framework

The constitutional legal framework that sparked the conflict was King Edward I of England’s inability to pay homage to the King of France in the 1290s. His inability to come to Paris caused the war to begin. Historians debate why King Philip, known as Philip the fair or Philip the Iron King, restarted the conflict with the Plantagenet kings of England. Some believed Philip was given poor council and others described Philip as highly intelligent and like an “owl all-seeing” (Brown, 2012). Regardless of the reasons, the most plausible is that Philip was a long line of Capetian kings that have merely continued the dynasties policy of centralizing the kingdom within the feudal structures of their age by reducing the powers and independence of its leaders. By the late 13th century the dukedom of Normandy was incorporated into the Royal French lands permanently with the lands of Poitier, Champagne, Valois, greater Anjou and Artos going to cadet branches of the ruling French dynasties. In this context, we have a strong plausible reason why the conflict known as the Hundred Years War was destined to happen (Hallam & West, 2020). No feudal dynasty would willingly give up their ancestral lands. This meant the Plantagenets had no choice but to keep fighting to expand or retain what remained of their continental holdings, which the family did until their disposition in 1485 CE (Jones, 2015).

Origins of the Hundred Years War

Before the Hundred Years War there was an alliance between King John I of Scotland and King Philip iV of France. This alliance would last until 1560, and was known as the Auild alliance or old alliance. The reason why this alliance made the Hundred Years War inevitable was that King Edward I of England was establishing a legal framework for him to be the arbitrator of justice and law in the kingdom of Scotland. King Edward undermined the King of Scots royal authority, which led to a 30 years war between the kings of England and Scotland over control over the kingdom of Scotland. This began with Edwards’ first invasion in 1295 over the alliance between Scotland and France, which was deemed a direct threat to the English crown. With the continued backing of the French crown for the kings of Scotland, this meant that for the kings of England to subdue Scotland, they would have to make peace with France or fight a two-way war, one to the north against Scotland and one to the south protecting the Plantagenet domains in Gascony and the English Channel from French invasions.

Wars in the 1290s

King Edward I became King of England in 1272, and he was England’s fifth Plantagenet king since 1154. In practical terms, this meant that the dynasties transformed from one being a descendant of William to a legitimate and established kingdom with its own legal and royal traditions that were becoming increasingly independent, and an English identity was starting to emerge. It was this growing independence and the growing confidence of the English nation and the English kingship that enabled Edward I of England to have the support of his nobility when fighting. Wars in France, the Netherlands, Wales, Gascony, and Scotland with the support for the four-way conflict shows that the balance between the monarchies of England and France was changing (King, 2016). Previous Plantagenet kings could not rely on their nobility when it came to conflicts with the kings of France. With this dynamic changing, it meant that England’s seventh Plantagenet king, Edward III of England, who reigned from 1327 CE until 1377 CE, had the support and dynastic legitimacy to fight a war against the kings of France and the descendants of Charlemagne - something that previous Norman and Plantagenet kings of England did not have.

What do you think of the engagements between England and France in the 13th century? Let us know below.

Bibliography

Brown, E. A. R. (2012). Moral Imperatives and Conundrums of Conscience: Reflections on Philip the Fair of France. Speculum, 87(1), 1–36. https://www.jstor.o rg/stable/41409273?searchText=Philip%20iV%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BiV%2Bof%2BFrance&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A53cb91140781cd8dbcae9f5db0030351

Bates, D. (2018). William the Conqueror (The English Monarchs Series) (Reprint). Yale University Press.  

Gold, C. (2019). King of the North Wind: The Life of Henry II in Five Acts (Reprint). William Collins. 

Hallam, E. M., & West, C. (2020). Capetian France, 987-1328. Routledge.

Higham, J. K. (2022). Summary of Powers and Thrones: A New History of the Middle Ages By Dan Jones. Independently published. 

Jones, D. (2014). The Plantagenets: the warrior kings and queens who made England. Viking Penguin Books.  

Jones, D. (2015). The Hollow Crown (Main). Faber & Faber.

King, A. (2016). Edward I (Penguin Monarchs). Penguin UK.

Morris, M. (2016). A great and terrible king: Edward I and the forging of Britain. Pegasus Books.  

Morris, M. (2016). King John: Treachery, Tyranny and the Road to Magna Carta. RANDOM HOUSE.

Rothwell, H. (1927). Edward I’s Case against Philip the Fair over Gascony in 1298. The English Historical Review, 42(168), 572–582. https://www.jstor.org/stable/552416?searchText=French%20and%20English%20war%201294%20to%201298&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DFrench%2Band%2BEnglish%2Bwar%2B1294%2Bto%2B1298&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A39802e10c624f58a2f9bb666a21bdb4a

Strayer, J. R. (1956). Philip the Fair--A “Constitutional” King. The American Historical Review, 62(1), 18. https://doi.org/10.2307/1848510

Sumption, J. (1999). The Hundred Years War: Trial by Battle (The Middle Ages Series, Volume 1). University of Pennsylvania Press. 

Wood, C. T. (1979). The English Crisis of 1297 in the Light of French Experience. Journal of British Studies, 18(2), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1086/385734

van Gorp, D. (2011). Historical introduction: The War of Bouvines. Medieval Warfare, 1(1), 6–9. In- https://www.jstor.org/stable/48579318?searchText=Philip%20II%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BII%2Bof%2BFrance%26efqs%3DeyJjdHkiOlsiYW05MWNtNWhiQT09Il19&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A3364281838a88ad84064941ed698cf13

Zeihan, P. (2020). Disunited Nations: The Scramble for Power in an Ungoverned World (Illustrated). Harper Business.

Zeihan, P. (2022). The End of the World Is Just the Beginning: Mapping the Collapse of Globalization. Harper Business. 

The Mexican War of Independence: Hidalgo’s Insurgents - Part 2

By the latter half of the 17th century, the rule of Spain in the New World was reaching 200 years. Times were changing, both in the New World and in Europe, and the leaders of Spain knew it. Their problem was what to do about it. Spain had never had a coherent policy in its imperial rule. Since 1492, Spain was seemingly constantly at war, with an endless series of crises thrown into the mix. Solutions had to be found for the here and now, the future would take care of itself.

Erick Redington continues his look at the independence of Spanish America by looking at the Mexican War of Independence. Here he looks at the evolution of the war and some successes for the revolutionaries.

If you missed them, Erick’s article on the four viceroyalties is here, Francisco de Miranda’s early life is here, his travels in Europe and the US is here, and his later years is here. Then, you can read about the Abdications of Bayonne here, and the start of the Mexican War of Independence here.

A painting of Ignacio Allende. By Ramon Perez, 1865.

Revolutionary Fire

When Hidalgo went to his parish church and assembled the people, he summoned all of his natural charisma and speaking abilities. He knew he had one chance to rally the common people to the cause of rebellion.

The speech that Hidalgo gave, known to history as the Cry of Dolores, was not written down and has varied in its retelling over the years. What is known is that Hidalgo’s theme was to revolt against oppression and tyranny. For him, the symbols of that tyranny were the Spanish peninsulares, or as they were called resentfully, the gachupines. For Hidalgo and the others in the conspiracy, it was the peninsulares who kept them from the highest orders in society. So, Hidalgo laid it on to the people. If only they could get rid of the gachupines, tyranny would be abolished. To add further insult to injury, he told the crowd that the hated gachupines were going to surrender the colony to the Bonaparte usurper carried on the coattails of the invading French army. These atheistic Frenchmen would further oppress them if they did nothing.

This was to be a rebellion, not to destroy the established authorities, which went directly against Biblical teaching, and would be odd coming from a priest, it would be a holy crusade for both religion and their true king, Ferdinand VII, still living a prisoner of the French. The cry went up from Hidalgo, “Long live the King! Long live America! Death to bad government!” Ominously, the response he got back from the crowd was “Death to the gachupines!”

There is no known telling of this story that says Hidalgo attempted to tamp down on this spirit of bloodlust from the crowd. Indeed, he fostered it. This first stage of the Mexican War of Independence lost the character of the clean military coup with little bloodshed that men like Allende hoped for. This was to be a social revolution intending the destruction of the social class at the top of the social pyramid. Hidalgo, like many revolutionary leaders, understood that to will a result implies an absolute acceptance of the means to achieve that result. If the end of Spanish tyranny meant the deaths of everyone who exercised such tyranny, then so be it.

The Revolutionaries Move

Revolutionary movements have a history of either growing or dying. Hidalgo understood that with the passions of his followers at a fever pitch, they had to move out of the colonial backwater they were located in and gain new followers. Further, the passions of the people could glow white hot, but without proper channeling, those passions could dissipate just as fast as they grew. The insurgent army had to strike.

To secure his local region, Hidalgo first ordered the emptying of the local jails. This was to make room for the hated gachupines whose haciendas he authorized to be plundered and burned. The people took to this work with gusto. Homes were burned and their Spanish owners were beaten, imprisoned, and killed. The people who had lived on these haciendas and worked them would, in the frenzy, join the insurgents. Hidalgo’s army grew with every hacienda burned.

“Take, my children! Everything is yours!” This was the battle cry from Hidalgo to his followers at this stage (yes, he really did say this). One thing that was taken by Hidalgo himself was a representation of the Virgin of Guadalupe. Located at a shrine in Atotonilco, this representation became the symbol of the budding revolution.

At San Miguel, the birthplace of Allende, the insurgents sacked the properties of the gachupines. For the primarily indio and mestizo insurgents, they could not tell the difference between a creole and a gachupine. This led to many creoles being attacked and beaten, and their property seized. For Hidalgo, this was just the justifiable rage of the people. For the original conspirators, such as Allende, this was terrifying. All the bloody scenes of revolutionary Paris were coming to New Spain. This was not a targeted activity to change the government, this was a mob indiscriminately committing crimes.

For Allende, this was doubly frustrating. He was supposed to be the military leader of the revolution. Yet, Hidalgo would not allow him to exercise any command. Hidalgo had even proclaimed himself the “Captain-General of America,” assuming a military rank higher than the professional conspirators. Their leader was now bestowing grandiloquent titles on himself while leading a mob on an excursion of pillage and murder.

First Resistance

As the insurgent army approached Guanajuato, the leader of the Spanish forces there, José Antonio Raiño, decided to make a stand against the rebel army. He ordered the fortification of a granary, and much of the wealth of the city was stored there for defense, including almost three million pesos in cash and gold. On September 28, 1810, the battle began.

The insurgents up to this point had relied upon numbers and fury to carry them forward. This was the first time they had encountered an organized military force armed with cannons. When Hidalgo ordered an attack upon the granary, he found that his men were joined by many locals, especially miners, who were eager to destroy the gachupines and get some of that gold.

Wave after wave of insurgents flung themselves at the granary. Hidalgo, who had read books on military tactics as part of his Enlightenment studies, did not have military experience, despite his title. Allende, the man with experience was not able to exert command authority. So, bodies piled up in front of the granary. Yet the fervor of the insurgents did not flag in this trial. Raiño was shot in the head leading the defense. In the confusion that the lack of leadership caused, the insurgents were able to set fire to the building. The defenders tried to surrender. With the insurgents’ blood up, surrender was not an option. The defenders were killed to a man.

The Turning Point

The fall of the granary was not the end of the insurgents’ first battle. The capture of Guanajuato had just begun. Angered by the deaths of their friends and family, the insurgents proceeded to put the city to the torch. Three hundred years of hate, oppression, slavery, and ignorance were brought out on this one night. Guanajuato was burned and pillaged. Any Spaniard that could be found was killed out of hand. Worse happened to the Spanish women of the city. Since this movement had a working-class tinge to it, the machinery used to work the mines was also destroyed in the hatred of their labor.

It was at Guanajuato that the Hidalgo insurgency showed its most important characteristic. It was not really about the future. The idea did not exist in the minds of the movement that it was working to create a free and prosperous Mexico, unshackled by tyranny and foreign, racial domination. No, this was about the past. The actions of everyone in New Spain since November 8, 1519, the day Cortés met Montezuma II, had led to this moment. This revolution was about the hacienda system, the racial caste system, the destruction of indio independence, and a thousand other incidences in the almost three hundred years since. Hidalgo’s enlightenment ideals on the superiority of human reason over emotional barbarism and superstition were held in the balance and found wanting. For Hidalgo, this was only a minor obstacle. Consistency is for fools; he was the leader of a movement. Ever onward.

Guanajuato also taught one other lesson, the price of failure. For the leadership in Mexico City, they saw a preview on a smaller scale of what would happen in case the insurgents took the capital. Negotiating and compromising with the insurgents was no longer an option. For both sides, it was only victory or death.

The Revolution Moves Forward

Hidalgo’s next target was the city of Valladolid. This city of about 50,000 people was one he was intimately familiar with. As a young man, Hidalgo had been a teacher here. The Bishop, Manuel Abad y Queipo, had been a friend of Hidalgo’s. Abad, however, believed that Hidalgo’s ideas were heretical, and did not support the atrocities carried out in Hidalgo’s name. On his own authority, Abad excommunicated Hidalgo. Despite this, the garrison of the city went over to the insurgents, as the people of the city did not want to see the scenes of Guanajuato repeated. Abad abandoned the city, and it was peacefully occupied.

From the regional capital of Valladolid, Hidalgo began sending out agents throughout New Spain to attract new followers. Hearing of the collapse of authority among the gachupines, many, especially in the north of New Spain, began declaring for Hidalgo. Many leaders in San Luis Potosí, Saltillo, and many others were all in on destroying the hated Spanish. It had seemed that despite the scenes in Guanajuato, Hidalgo would sweep all before him, mostly without a fight.

The defection of the north to the insurgents presented a problem for the Spanish. Where to focus efforts? In the north, the revolution was sweeping everything before it, but there was no organized army, and could seemingly be reconquered easily. In the south, Hidalgo had what passed for an army, but its numbers were enormous. With limited resources at his disposal, the viceroy could not directly confront both threats. In the end, he chose to send an army north under an able, if extremely ruthless, general, Félix María Calleja.

Attempting to Bring Order to Chaos

Relieved of any pressure from the viceroy, Hidalgo tried to put some organizational and ideological backing into his revolution. He attempted to assuage the creoles by emphasizing that his only goal was to create a new congress, and that would be under the authority of Ferdinand VII. He did not support independence or a republic, he assured the creole leaders. To marry patriotism and self-interest, Hidalgo passed out military ranks and offices in his new government to men of influence., hoping to win them over.

At the same time, Hidalgo attempted to shore up his support with the lower classes. He abolished the privileges of the haciendas and ended all tribute that the indios owed to the haciendados. Slavery was to be abolished. Despite the promises made, and regardless of the merit of any of Hidalgo’s decrees, many of the potential intellectual, political, and military leaders of the revolution saw Hidalgo’s support for, what was in their minds, economic and social radicalism as an existential threat to their position in the economic and political order, let alone their hoped-for societal dominance. Hidalgo even allowed himself to be addressed by his indio followers as “His Most Serene Highness.” Social revolution by a racial underclass exacting bloody revenge had precedent in their minds: Haiti. The specter of a Haitian-style race war hovered over Hidalgo’s insurgency. Many creoles with Hidalgo’s main force now began to slowly filter out of the insurgent army.

Despite offering ranks and titles to some, while at Valladolid, Hidalgo was unable to bring any semblance of order to what was in essence, a mob. Placing the indios and mestizos under military discipline would defeat the purpose of the revolution in his eyes. It went against the core ideals of what he, and they, were fighting for. This lack of discipline would be one of the primary undoings of the insurgent army.

Attempt on the Capital

Understanding he had to keep moving, Hidalgo ordered his army to advance on Mexico City at the end of October. The insurgents numbered almost 80,000 by this point, dwarfing the numbers that the Spanish could deploy. The lesson of Guanajuato was ever-present. For the viceregal government and army, despite being heavily outnumbered, there could be no surrender. The Spanish had to fight.

The viceroy ordered a small force under General Torcuato Trujillo to engage the rebels. Trujillo, having the advantage in firepower, decided to find the most defensible ground possible and fight on his own ground. He chose the Sierra de las Cruces located between Toluca and Mexico City. Riddled with forests and steep ridges, this was the perfect defensive position.

On October 30, the battle began. The insurgent strategy was simple. With a colossal advantage in numbers, the most simplistic path to victory was to surround the Spanish force by enveloping it. For the Spanish, the imperative was survival on their part and killing as many insurgents as possible until one side had to retreat.

All day the battle raged. The insurgents sent waves of men into the teeth of Trujillo’s cannon. Thousands of insurgents would fall this day attempting to storm the Spanish lines. With only a few thousand men, time was not on Trujillo’s side. Although his men rebuffed attack after attack, in the end, they ran out of time. With the size advantage Hidalgo’s army enjoyed, it was almost inevitable he would find a weak spot in Trujillo’s defenses, and the Spanish were nearly surrounded.

Trujillo ordered the withdrawal of his forces. While the Spanish had lost less than 2,000 men, the insurgents had lost, by some estimates, 5,000. Although he would claim victory to the viceroy, Trujillo and everyone else knew that the battle was lost, despite the disproportionate casualties. The path to Mexico City now appeared clear.

Victory in the Palm of His Hand

Mexico City, the most populated city in the Western Hemisphere and the second city of all the Spanish realms, was now open to attack. The people in the city panicked. The viceroy ordered a service held at the cathedral, naming the Virgin of Remedios as the new Captain-General of New Spain. The army sent north was hastily recalled, but everyone knew it could not make it back in time. Many prominent peninsulares prepared to hastily evacuate the city. Everyone was prepared for an orgy of violence, pillage, and bloodshed.

In the insurgent army, Allende urged Hidalgo to immediately march on the capital. This was their chance. It was, unfortunately for the insurgents, the first time Hidalgo had been seen to vacillate. What was he waiting for? The hated gachupines were at his mercy. After waiting three days, Hidalgo made his decision. He ordered the insurgents to march back to Toluca.

Hidalgo told Allende that he planned to move back and finally allow him and the other creole officers to turn the disorganized mob into a disciplined army, one that could engage Calleja once he returned from the north. The officers were incredulous. Now, right on the cusp of victory, with the best chance they would have for total victory, now was when they would sit and attempt to create a real army. The professional soldiers could see the writing on the wall. This was all going to end in catastrophic failure.

Unlike the earlier ad hoc attempt, Hidalgo also tried to create a true government and outline his purpose. From Guanajuato, he would issue proclamation after proclamation, but it was too late. Desertions, from the highest creole officers to the lowest indio pikeman, were endemic. Momentum was lost. The local population was turning against the insurgents.

Insurgent Denouement

Calleja had by now arrived from the north. The viceregal government had declared that anyone found armed would be declared a rebel and executed. This only brought further reprisals from the insurgents. Spanish prisoners were taken out and executed in retaliation for Spanish atrocities. Soon hangings and throat-slittings, the favored execution methods of the Spanish, and garrotings, the favored method of the insurgents, were common, daily occurrences. Reprisal begat reprisal and hate begat hate. Men commonly changed sides and executed their former comrades. Betrayals became as common as executions.

Hidalgo and his insurgents now only had thoughts of escape. The insurgent army began moving north to escape, possibly to the United States. Throughout the march, insurgents deserted, and the size of the once enormous army shrank daily. Finally, at Baján, a former supporter of Hidalgo, Ignacio Elizondo betrayed the rebels into Spanish hands. Elizondo had wanted to be appointed a Lieutenant-General in the insurgent army and had been rebuffed. His resentment over rank led him to surrender the rebel leaders into Spanish custody. On March 21, 1811, Hidalgo and the other leaders of the insurgency were captured.

Hidalgo was turned over to an ecclesiastical court. Because he was a priest, the civil authorities could not judge him. He refused to ask for a pardon. He wrote a statement, abjuring support for his own revolution. Later, it would be said that he wrote this due to being coerced and under torture, but the truth is unknown. Since he had been defrocked and excommunicated by the church, part of his sentence included the flaying of his hands. After this, he was executed, probably by firing squad. This was carried out by the civil authorities. Some of his last words were alleged to be “Though I may die, I shall be remembered forever. You all will soon be forgotten.” After his execution, his head was removed from his body and placed on display with those of the other insurgent leaders. The first phase of the Mexican War of Independence was over.

What do you think of the start of various changes in the Mexican War of Independence? Let us know below.

Now, read about Francisco Solano Lopez, the Paraguayan president who brought his country to military catastrophe in the War of the Triple Alliance here.

The Evolution of War-time Counter-Intelligence From World War II to Today

During World War II, psychological warfare was an incredibly important, yet under-appreciated aspect of strategic combat that played an essential role in the Allied Powers’ victory. Whether it was used to misinform enemies with propaganda, or incite fear with inflatable vehicles and dummies, psychological warfare was used by both the Allied Powers and the Axis Alliance during World War II. In the modern day, psychological warfare is still used to intimidate; however overtime, methods and applications have evolved.

Christopher Cho explains.

An inflatable dummy tank based on the M4 Sherman tank.

One of the smartest tactics used by the allied forces were inflatable tanks and paradummies. Developed by a special task force known as, “The Ghost Army,” made up of the most intelligent soldiers and best artists, the Allied Powers utilized a variety of mediums to trick the Nazis, including, “inflatable tanks and vehicles, fake radio traffic, sound effects, even phony generals.” (Ghost Army) Because they were inflatable, these tanks were light enough to be carried by four men across a battlefield and gave the illusion of a much larger military presence. Paradummies, also known as Operation Titanic, were dolls used in place of real paratroopers in order to distract enemies and would often combust upon landing.

Planned by Ralph Ingersoll and Billy Harris and led by Colonel Harry L. Leeder, the Ghost Army and their devices gave the Allied Powers huge advantages during the war and would play a pivotal role in sowing key information for the D-Day invasion. To deceive Germany about the whereabouts of the invasion that would ultimately happen at Normandy, the Ghost Army placed inflatable tanks and military jeeps, where the battles were supposed to take place. Paradummies were dropped along with rifle simulators and SAS (Special Air Service) men to further deceive German soldiers.

The Allied forces had a lot of smart ways of using psychological warfare against their enemy. However, the Nazis and the Axis Powers also had their own forms of psychological warfare. The Axis Alliance were also quite successful when it came to their strategy in psychological warfare, but unlike the allies, they used propaganda as psychological warfare to further their ideological objectives, instead of trying to trick the enemy with fake soldiers and vehicles in order to win military battles. While the Allies tried weakening the Axis, the Axis convinced their soldiers to believe that the systematic extermination of many groups would restore order, using propaganda. Using the radio and other media outlets, Hitler had made the German population believe the Allies (mostly Great Britain and the United States of America) were under the control of Jewish people, creating nationwide antisemitism and justifying the murder of millions solely based on their identity.

Modern day

Though many psychological warfare strategies used during World War II were very successful, most of these strategies have become obsolete in modern day because of advancements in technology. For example, if a country tried to use inflatable tanks or paradummies, modern surveillance technology would easily detect a ruse. Modern day examples can be seen in the Russo-Ukraine war, during Russian protests. Whereas the radio allowed Nazi Germany to disseminate its propaganda in ways never imagined, social media allows the dissemination of propaganda and brings psychological warfare individualized directly to particular tastes. Social media propaganda could be used to make people believe whatever its creator wanted them to believe. Competing interests have simultaneously made citizens of Russia go against Putin and his need for war, but also have been used to further Russian objectives. Many citizens of Russia have started protests, which “... have emerged as the core of Russia’s antiwar movement. This effort includes hundreds of online communities and projects that have sprung up overnight to resist specific war-related government initiatives,” (Olimpieva) Consequently, there are reports of many Russian soldiers who didn't want to fight but were drafted and forced to. This is only one of many examples of psychological warfare being used in modern day, as Russian propaganda has had to work overtime to explain unexpected military losses and to stifle dissent at home.

D-Day was necessary for victory in World War II and the psychological tricks used were essential to the success of the mission. In contrast, the Nazis used their psychological warfare to further their ideological objectives and were also successful in doing this. As Russia continues to employ its psychological warfare to bolster propaganda for their war, the cost of that choice just might be paid in retreat, casualties and more propaganda to explain the failures of the Ukraine invasion to an increasingly sceptical Russian public.

What do you think of wartime counter-intelligence and psychological warfare? Let us know below.

Works Cited

https://www.history.com/news/ghost-army-world-war-ii

https://www.forces-war-records.co.uk/blog/2013/10/04/old-wwii-d-day-paradummy-found-residing-in-garden-shed#:~:text=Paradummies%20were%20used%20as%20a,movie%20'The%20Longest%20Day'

The Norman Conquest of England and the Expansion of Plantagenet Power in the 11th and 12th Centuries

The Hundred Years War took place between France and England in the 14th and 15th centuries, but the causes of the war are many and complex. Here, Jonathan Riley looks at the Norman conquest of England and the expansion of Plantagenet power in the 11th and 12th Centuries as factors for the later outbreak of war.

If you missed it, you can read Jonathan’s first piece on the rise of Capetian power here.

William the Conqueror, or William II of Normandy, as shown in the Bayeux Tapestry.

William II of Normandy, was nominated heir to the throne of England in 1066 CE. This created unfortunate political conflicts between the thrones of England and France because, under feudal politics, God’s anointed cannot bow to other kings or emperors (Bates, 2018). This meant that in practical terms, the relationship between the Dukes of Normandy, who were also kings of England from 1066 to 1204, was that there was an un-codified feudal, political and social relationship between the Dukes of Normandy and the Kings of the Franks.

Feudal Relationships 

There is such contention in the feudal relationship between the kings of England after the Norman conquest and the Kings of the Franks because of the vast territories the kings of England held within the kingdom of modern day France by 1154. The Norman dynasty’s crown, after the extinction of the male line of William the Conqueror in 1135 with the death of King Henry I of England, passed to Stephen of Balos, who became King Stephen I of England. He fought for control of the crown from Empress Matilda who was the only legitimate surviving child of Henry I of England, thus leading to over 20 years of anarchy from 1135 to 1154. When the Plantagenets managed to finally secure the crown with a peace deal with King Stephen, the Plantagenets were not only the Counts of greater Anjou but also the Dukes of Normandy and Dukes of Aquitaine. This massive territorial expansion placed the Plantagenet dynasties and Capetian Kings of France on a collision course of conflict and war (Jones, 2014).

To reiterate, the kings of the Franks did not truly have centralized government to control their lords. This meant a constant power struggle between the territorial princes over power and prestige with the crown, at least symbolically the head of the kingdom. With the rapid expansion of Norman power with the conquest of England, England and Normandy during the 11th and 12th centuries were probably the most centralized kingdoms in Europe in terms of resources. This meant that the kings of England, also as Dukes of Normandy, could outcompete the kings of France, Dukes of Brittany, Counts of Anjou, and other lords within the kingdom of the Franks. The massive gains of King Henry II of England with his marriage to the heiress of the Aquitaine, Eleanor of Aquitaine, further catapulted the kings of England as the most powerful rulers in Western Europe for a time. However, even with these gains, the accurate picture is not that simple. King Henry II of England did not rule his continental domains as a fiefdom of the kingdom of England; this can be hard to grasp with the modern concepts of nationhood and country. It is essential to highlight that from 1066 CE until 1399 CE, the language of the English nobility was not English, but French. The coronation oath was not spoken predominantly in English until the rule of King Henry IV of England (1399 CE to 1413 CE). In practical terms, until the beginning of the Hundred Years War and the long divorce between the English and French nobility, England and its aristocracy would be predominantly French and involved in affairs on the continent. Henry II of England styled himself as the King of the English, Lord of the Normans, Lord of the Angevin, and the Lord of Aquitania (Gold, 2019). What this meant in practical terms was that the Plantagenets were not ruling monarchs in their continental lands; they were still subservient to the throne of the Franks, for these holdings created a constitutional, legal and diplomatic problem regarding the legal relationship between the kings of England and the kings of France which contributed to the causes of the Hundred Years War (Strayer, 1956).

Anglo-Norman Realm and Hundred Years War 

The establishment of the Anglo-Norman realm between 1066 CE and 1204 CE placed the dynasties of England and France on a collision course towards war and conflict, and it is more accurate to say that there have been three different Hundred Years’ War between the kingdoms. The first was from 1052 CE to 1214 CE, the second was from 1294 CE to 1453 CE, and the final conflict was from 1689 CE to 1814 CE. Though these dates are all more than 100 years, and historians have debated the start of these conflicts, the main point is that over nearly 800 years, England and France have been trying to conquer one another (Zeihan, 2020).

The cause of the Hundred Years War was the feudal relationship between the English kings as Dukes of Normandy, Dukes of Aquitaine and other territories on the continent as vassals to the King of France. This position was untenable and was one of the driving factors in conflicts between the dynasties (Sumption, 1999). Even after Philip II, Augustus of France (1180 CE to 1223 CE) won back the bulk of the Plantagenet and Norman territories from King John of England in the early 13th century. Then, after the Battle of Bouvines in 1214, which was a pivotal battle in French history which is the cultural equivalent of the Battle of Hastings in 1066 or the Battle of Bosworth Field which ended the Plantagenets rule in England in 1485. The battle of Bouvines was significant in the emergence of French national identity, with proto-nationalism in France and England starting to emerge in the 13th and 14th centuries (van Gorp, 2011). Philip II and his son Louis VIII of France, who between them ruled from 1180 CE to 1226 CE, established Capetian authority in northern, central and southern France, reaching its apex under Philip IV of France in the late 13th and early 14th centuries. This is relevant to the causes of the Hundred Years War. Until their destruction in 1485, the Plantagenet dynasty would continue to try to reclaim its lost territories. However, this answer is not entirely clear cut because King Henry III of England, who reigned from 1216 CE to 1272 CE, made a peace treaty with St Louis or Louis IX of France, who reigned from 1226 CE to 1270 CE. This peace treaty was the Treaty of Paris signed in 1259 CE (Rothwell, 1927). The treaty would be important because it maintained peace between the kingdoms from 1259 CE to 1294 CE. After all, no framework split the duties of the kings of England and their duties as the Dukes of Aquitaine/Gascony. It was this legal framework that, by a technicality, gave Philip IV of France’s claims to dominion or at least legal dominion over the kings of England. This legal framework was a massive contributor towards the beginning of the Hundred Years War (Morris, 2016).

What do you think of the rise of the expansion of Plantagenet power Let us know below.

Bibliography

Brown, E. A. R. (2012). Moral Imperatives and Conundrums of Conscience: Reflections on Philip the Fair of France. Speculum, 87(1), 1–36. https://www.jstor.o rg/stable/41409273?searchText=Philip%20iV%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BiV%2Bof%2BFrance&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A53cb91140781cd8dbcae9f5db0030351

Bates, D. (2018). William the Conqueror (The English Monarchs Series) (Reprint). Yale University Press.  

Gold, C. (2019). King of the North Wind: The Life of Henry II in Five Acts (Reprint). William Collins. 

Hallam, E. M., & West, C. (2020). Capetian France, 987-1328. Routledge.

Higham, J. K. (2022). Summary of Powers and Thrones: A New History of the Middle Ages By Dan Jones. Independently published. 

Jones, D. (2014). The Plantagenets: the warrior kings and queens who made England. Viking Penguin Books.  

Jones, D. (2015). The Hollow Crown (Main). Faber & Faber.

King, A. (2016). Edward I (Penguin Monarchs). Penguin UK.

Morris, M. (2016). A great and terrible king: Edward I and the forging of Britain. Pegasus Books.  

Morris, M. (2016). King John: Treachery, Tyranny and the Road to Magna Carta. RANDOM HOUSE.

Rothwell, H. (1927). Edward I’s Case against Philip the Fair over Gascony in 1298. The English Historical Review, 42(168), 572–582. https://www.jstor.org/stable/552416?searchText=French%20and%20English%20war%201294%20to%201298&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DFrench%2Band%2BEnglish%2Bwar%2B1294%2Bto%2B1298&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A39802e10c624f58a2f9bb666a21bdb4a

Strayer, J. R. (1956). Philip the Fair--A “Constitutional” King. The American Historical Review, 62(1), 18. https://doi.org/10.2307/1848510

Sumption, J. (1999). The Hundred Years War: Trial by Battle (The Middle Ages Series, Volume 1). University of Pennsylvania Press. 

Wood, C. T. (1979). The English Crisis of 1297 in the Light of French Experience. Journal of British Studies, 18(2), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1086/385734

van Gorp, D. (2011). Historical introduction: The War of Bouvines. Medieval Warfare, 1(1), 6–9. In- https://www.jstor.org/stable/48579318?searchText=Philip%20II%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BII%2Bof%2BFrance%26efqs%3DeyJjdHkiOlsiYW05MWNtNWhiQT09Il19&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A3364281838a88ad84064941ed698cf13

Zeihan, P. (2020). Disunited Nations: The Scramble for Power in an Ungoverned World (Illustrated). Harper Business.

Zeihan, P. (2022). The End of the World Is Just the Beginning: Mapping the Collapse of Globalization. Harper Business.  

Collapse of the Qing Dynasty: Was the Sino-Japanese War of 1894 an Immediate Reason?

From being a minority to building one of the biggest empires in the world, the Qings have left behind an impressive mark on not only the history of China but of the world. Although not all of it is glorious, the tale of how the Manchus came to be the Qings, the consolidation of power, and their humiliating final years after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894 - surely is a spectacle.

If you missed it, you can read Disha’s article on the First Sino-Japanese War here.

A portrayal of the last Qing Emperor, Puyi. He became emperor at 2 years’ old.

China under Qing Rule

The Manchus were skilled warriors and had already been a formidable force during the Ming dynasty. After uprooting the rule of the Mings, they laid the foundation of an empire that boasted of being the fourth largest in the world at the time. The clan was born in 1636 but it was in the year 1644 that they came to be the ruling dynasty of China.

The seventeenth century was the golden age of Qing imperial rule. Under the Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong emperors, China prospered and the period is referred to as the High Qing or shengshi. The empire expanded to an unparalleled size. The rule of the Qianlong Emperor was praised in Europe (1). Art and literature proliferated with special attention towards poetry. The Peking Opera also developed during this era.

After the Qianlong Emperor, the dynasty began its descent into infamy.

The population had increased dramatically towards the end of the eighteenth century. This led to the drainage of revenues (2). Migrations occurred in huge numbers as the landless population shifted towards less crowded areas. These added to the government's predicament in effectively administering the people (3).

Groups like Hans, Manchus, Tibetans, Mongols, and Uyghurs formed a multi-ethnic population. But they did not exist in harmony. At times, the non-Hans suffered intolerance from both the people and the administration leading to conflicts (4). This diverted the focus on repressing the conflicts rather than working towards integrating their cultural differences. The rulers, who were Manchus, were still viewed as "outsiders". Throughout their reign, the Qings faced numerous rebellions and uprisings that sought to overthrow them.

The administration during the later Qing era was riddled with corruption. The government did little to encourage trade and modernization. Whatever efforts were done in that field were done by private investors who did not have much power (5). The ritual practices of the period also acted as an impediment to the process of modernization. The ceremonies were ostentatious and the state was reluctant to stop them for changes made in matters of tradition could prove to be disastrous (6).

The bureaucratic system granted excessive power to non-Han officials. Higher-up positions were reserved for Manchus so that they could keep their Han subordinates in check.

Moreover, there had been no attempts to centralize the military out of the fear of giving too much power in the hands of the Han officials (7) and repeating history. The Manchus had seized power from the then-reigning Mings (if the short-lived Shun dynasty is to be excluded). The Ming dynasty was the last dynasty of China to be ruled by Hans. This paranoia could have been a factor in the difficulties in effective management.

Some of the societal facets which existed before the coming of the Qings continued during their reign, somewhat emboldened even. For example, the tradition of the civil service examination that had commenced back in the sixth century by the hands of the Sui dynasty was used to fill positions in the administration. Voltaire applauded this system stating no government could be better than the one in China (8). While it served the noble purpose of hiring qualified people in the government, it also widened the gap between the elite and the commoners. The society was marked with strict demarcations dividing the "respectable" and the lower classes. Those considered inferior were not allowed to give the civil service exam. Many endeavors were made to assimilate the different sections of society but one thing still withstood these changes. The disparity between the high society and the common man prevailed.

At the advent of the 1860s, the world had begun witnessing important events like the American Civil War, the unification of Germany and Italy, etc. This period overlapped with China's failed attempt at restoring the dynasty's declining domination, known as the Tongzhi Restoration, engineered by the Empress Dowager Cixi (9).

The Unequal Treaties

Treaties have been a crucial part of international law. Whether they are signed to end wars or form an alliance, the important fact that's solidified with a treaty is that the states have entered into an agreement. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, several western powers made Asian and African states sign treaties that were unjust as they were advantageous for only one of the parties involved. It, however, has been argued that only the first three treaties were "unequal" and the later ones were more considerate toward China (10).

The Treaty of Nanjing, the first of the unequal treaties, gave extraterritorial rights to Britain by granting them Hong Kong. The Qing officials were ignorant of the meaning of these treaties. Apparently, they had no problem with the unfair clauses of the treaty and giving up their territories to a foreign country but were outraged that the name of their emperor was listed along with the monarch of the ‘barbarians' (11).

A major blow to the dynasty came with the Taiping Rebellion in 1850. Already undermined by their defeat in the First Opium War, the state of the Qing empire kept on deteriorating. During this period of political unrest, several rebellions ensued that weakened the integrity of the Qing rule even further. The emperor had to ask for help from regional leaders. These leaders had their own armies (12) and depended on the emperor for nothing, which questioned the superiority of the monarch.

For many years, imperial China had remained isolated. The people were not knowledgeable about the ways of other states, say of the West, that were busy colonizing. Russian officials saw an advantage in the tumultuous state China was in and used this vulnerability to acquire no small area of land along the Russo-Chinese border. The land they amassed was more than the size of Japan (13). Given all these circumstances, it was clear that the age of the High Qing was nearing its end.

After the First Sino-Japanese War

Anti-Manchu sentiments had started brewing since the end of the First Opium War but the defeat in the war of 1894 fanned it to an alarming extent (14). The dynasty had lost its glory earned during the High Qing era. The loss incurred by the empire by the Treaty of Shimonoseki was immense. Having to let go of the Liaodong peninsula in southern Manchuria, the homeland of the Qings, added insult to injury (15).

The political crises occurring in China distressed a scholar named Kang Youwei. Having lived in Hong Kong in his youth, he was impressed by the Westernization there. Taking the example of the modernization in Japan and Hong Kong he, along with Liang Qichao and some similar-minded people, advised the emperor to carry out similar reforms. In 1898, they started the Hundred Days' Reform but their suggestions were not to the liking of Empress Dowager Cixi. She declared herself regent and put the emperor under house arrest (16), thus putting a stop to the development of the movement.

A famine struck China in 1908 that took the lives of about 25 million people and was recorded as one of the worst in human history. This increased the people's dissatisfaction with the imperial rule. What followed was a series of revolts that would be called the Xinhai Revolution of 1911. Eventually, the Qing dynasty saw its last emperor abdicate in 1912 - putting an end to a reign that extended for about three centuries. While the war with Japan might have spurred the process of decline of the Qings but the fall of the dynasty was the culmination of years of resentment towards their rule.

What do you think of the impact of the War of 1894? Let us know below.

Now read Disha’s article on the Hitler Youth here.

Bibliography

Detter, Ingrid. “The Problem of Unequal Treaties.” The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 15, no. 4 (1966): 1069–89. http://www.jstor.org/stable/757143.

Fairbank, John K. “Introduction: the Old Order.” Chapter. In The Cambridge History of China, edited by John K. Fairbank, 10:1–34. The Cambridge History of China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978.

Hsu, Immanuel C. Y. “Late Ch'ing Foreign Relations, 1866–1905.” Chapter. In The Cambridge History of China, edited by John K. Fairbank and Kwang-Ching Liu, 11:70–141. The Cambridge History of China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980.

Paine, S.C.M. The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895: Perceptions, Power, and Primacy. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003.

Rowe, William T. China's Last Empire: The Great Qing. Cambridge, MA; London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009.

Smith, Richard J. The Qing Dynasty and Traditional Chinese Culture. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015.

Wang, Dong. “The Discourse of Unequal Treaties in Modern China.” Pacific Affairs 76, no. 3 (2003): 399–425. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40023820.

References

1 S.C.M. Paine, The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895: Perceptions, Power, and Primacy, 'The Decline of the Old Order in China and Korea', 23-24

2 Ibid.

3 John Fairbank, “Introduction: the Old Order.”, The Cambridge History of China Vol. 10, 16

4 Richard J. Smith, The Qing Dynasty and Traditional Chinese Culture, 'The Qing Political Order', 89

5 Ibid., 'The Late Qing and Beyond, 1860-2014', 390

6 Ibid., 391

7 Paine, The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895: Perceptions, Power, and Primacy, 'The Decline of the Old Order in China and Korea', 32

8 Ibid., 'The Reversal in the Far Eastern Balance of Power', 13-14

9 Immanuel C. Y. Hsu, “Late Ch'ing Foreign Relations, 1866–1905”, The Cambridge History of China Vol. 11, 85

10 Ingrid Detter, “The Problem of Unequal Treaties”, http://www.jstor.org/stable/757143

11 Dong Wang, “The Discourse of Unequal Treaties in Modern China”, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40023820

12 Paine, The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895: Perceptions, Power, and Primacy, 'The Decline of the Old Order in China and Korea', 26

13 Ibid., 32

14 William T. Rowe, China's Last Empire: The Great Qing, 'Chinese Responses to Imperialism, 1895-1900', 236

15 Ibid., 'Imperialism in Fin de Siècle China', 234

16 Ibid., 'Chinese Responses to Imperialism, 1895-1900', 242

The Rise of Capetian Power and its Contribution to the Hundred Years War

The early Capet kings of France were kings without a kingdom; they inherited the Crown from the failing Karling/Carolingian dynasties who ruled as kings from 751 CE to 987 CE, with Hugh Capet being elected the king of the Franks in 987 CE. The first Caption King was the Duke of France, Count of Paris. He only ruled the lands around Paris surrounded by the mighty Dukes of Normandy and Counts of Flanders to the north and the Crown lands being boxed in by the county of Balos and champagne with the Count of Flanders to the East. The Capet dynasties were kings without a kingdom (Hallam & West, 2020). It would not be until the late rule of Philip I of France (1059 CE to 1108 CE), Louis VI of France [1108 CE to 1137 CE) and Louis VII of France (1137 CE to 1180 CE) that the Captions got control of their lands around Paris and started being more active under the lands under the dominion. However, the dynasty did lose Catalonia, which was initially part of the Frankish kingdom.

Here, Jonathan Riley starts his look at Capetian power.

Hugh Capet, King of the Franks from 987 to 996. As shown in the Chronica regia Coloniensis.

Capetian Power

This is relevant to understanding why the rise of Capetian power in France led to the beginnings of the Hundred Years War because conflict did not come from a vacuum. The early Capetian king’s royal authority was incredibly weak, the same with most realms in Europe since the collapse of Rome in the fifth century and the loss of administration and technological innovations (Higham, 2022). This meant, in practical terms, that the kings of France were merely territorial princes. However, the vital difference is that symbolic and practical power placed the Capet dynasty above the Dukes and Counts of France. The Capetian served as the arbitrators of justice and territorial disputes between its more powerful vassals; this would be the predominant state of the dynasty throughout its first two centuries of existence (Hallam & West, 2020).

The kingships of Hugh Capet, king of the Franks (987-996), Robert II the Pious (996-1031), and Henri I of Franks (1031-1060) were dominated by trying to expand or, more accurately, control their Royal domains around Paris. The administration systems were also so poor that they had to rely on their wives to do administrative work their signatures can be found on royal charters and other documents (Hallam & West, 2020). With this situation, Hugh and Henri, kings of the Franks, were dominated by battling the princes in northern France, with royal authority being non-existent in greater Aquitaine and Toulouse. Royal authority, if it even existed, was contained primarily around Paris. However, King Robert the Pious did manage to maintain loose connections by making royal progress throughout the southern parts of contemporary France to maintain these territories as part of the future kingdom of France - apart from Catalonia, which became part of the Kingdom of Aragon in 1137. With the expansion of royal authority under King Philip I of the Franks, which was due to the legacy of the first three Capetian kings and their long rules over the kingdom, even though they were surrounded by the more powerful Counts of Champagne and Balos there was never any serious threat to the dynasty. Odo, Count of Champagne, allegedly stated: “he wished to be the master of the King of Franks but not the ruler” (Hallam & West, 2020).

Royal Legitimacy 

With the establishment of royal legitimacy in the Royal domains and with the Dukes and Counts of France recognizing at least symbolically Royal authority, the Capet dynasty started to take steps to expand its authority outside the personal lands of the King. This started under the reigns of the early Capetian kings of France, with Robert the Pious and Henry of France establishing a royal cadet branch in the Duchy of Burgundy and ensuring that the holy Roman Empire would not absorb the province. This was done over 60 years of warfare and diplomacy. These actions made the Hundred Years War inevitable, starting with the conflicts between the Dukes of Normandy, who came to rule England after the Norman conquest in 1066. A brief understanding of these conflicts is essential to highlight that Louis V of France in the 940s tried to reclaim the dukedom for the Karling Crown. Henry I of the Franks went to war with Duke William II of Normandy in the 1250s due to his power increasing and becoming a threat to the French crown, having previously aligned with Duke William against the Count of Anjou (Bates, 2018). This may seem highly complicated and erratic with the alliance changing; however, from a territorial standpoint, the Kings of the Franks had no choice but to fight their lords to prevent them from becoming too powerful - and in the case of Normandy Rouen, the River Seine is one of the most significant rivers in France and is a direct route to a direct attack on the city of Paris. From a geopolitical standpoint, this a significant reason why the kings of France had to have the dukedom as part of the Royal domains (Zeihan, 2022). However, this was achieved in the early 13th century under the rule of Philip II of France.

Conclusion 

The expansion of Capetian power in the territories composing contemporary France made a clash between the kings of England, who had held continental lands since the Norman conquest of 1066 CE, and the French throne inevitable. What the Capetian kings had been progressively doing since claiming the throne of Franks in 987 CE is expanding their ceremonial, clerical and practical power throughout France. Their achievements in holding the throne, bringing the Duchy of Burgundy into the dynasties, and preventing the Aquitaine and Toulouse from becoming independent or joining the Spanish kingdoms like Catalonia were examined by the Eastern Roman Empire. This meant that the establishment of legitimacy and recognition put the descendants of William the Conqueror and Hugh Capet on a collision course because there could only be one king in France.

 What do you think of the rise of the Capetian power? Let us know below.

Bibliography

Brown, E. A. R. (2012). Moral Imperatives and Conundrums of Conscience: Reflections on Philip the Fair of France. Speculum, 87(1), 1–36. https://www.jstor.o rgld/stable/41409273?searchText=Philip%20iV%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BiV%2Bof%2BFrance&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A53cb91140781cd8dbcae9f5db0030351

Bates, D. (2018). William the Conqueror (The English Monarchs Series) (Reprint). Yale University Press.  

Gold, C. (2019). King of the North Wind: The Life of Henry II in Five Acts (Reprint). William Collins. 

Hallam, E. M., & West, C. (2020). Capetian France, 987-1328. Routledge.

Higham, J. K. (2022). Summary of Powers and Thrones: A New History of the Middle Ages By Dan Jones. Independently published. 

Jones, D. (2014). The Plantagenets: the warrior kings and queens who made England. Viking Penguin Books.  

Jones, D. (2015). The Hollow Crown (Main). Faber & Faber.

King, A. (2016). Edward I (Penguin Monarchs). Penguin UK.

Morris, M. (2016). A great and terrible king: Edward I and the forging of Britain. Pegasus Books.  

Morris, M. (2016). King John: Treachery, Tyranny and the Road to Magna Carta. RANDOM HOUSE.

Rothwell, H. (1927). Edward I’s Case against Philip the Fair over Gascony in 1298. The English Historical Review, 42(168), 572–582. https://www.jstor.org/stable/552416?searchText=French%20and%20English%20war%201294%20to%201298&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DFrench%2Band%2BEnglish%2Bwar%2B1294%2Bto%2B1298&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A39802e10c624f58a2f9bb666a21bdb4a

Strayer, J. R. (1956). Philip the Fair--A “Constitutional” King. The American Historical Review, 62(1), 18. https://doi.org/10.2307/1848510

Sumption, J. (1999). The Hundred Years War: Trial by Battle (The Middle Ages Series, Volume 1). University of Pennsylvania Press. 

Wood, C. T. (1979). The English Crisis of 1297 in the Light of French Experience. Journal of British Studies, 18(2), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1086/385734

van Gorp, D. (2011). Historical introduction: The War of Bouvines. Medieval Warfare, 1(1), 6–9. In- https://www.jstor.org/stable/48579318?searchText=Philip%20II%20of%20France&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DPhilip%2BII%2Bof%2BFrance%26efqs%3DeyJjdHkiOlsiYW05MWNtNWhiQT09Il19&ab_segments=0%2Fbasic_search_gsv2%2Fcontrol&refreqid=fastly-default%3A3364281838a88ad84064941ed698cf13

Zeihan, P. (2020). Disunited Nations: The Scramble for Power in an Ungoverned World (Illustrated). Harper Business.

Zeihan, P. (2022). The End of the World Is Just the Beginning: Mapping the Collapse of Globalization. Harper Business.

The Mexican War of Independence: Chaos and Confusion - Part 1

By the latter half of the 17th century, the rule of Spain in the New World was reaching 200 years. Times were changing, both in the New World and in Europe, and the leaders of Spain knew it. Their problem was what to do about it. Spain had never had a coherent policy in its imperial rule. Since 1492, Spain was seemingly constantly at war, with an endless series of crises thrown into the mix. Solutions had to be found for the here and now, the future would take care of itself.

Erick Redington continues his look at the independence of Spanish America by looking at the Mexican War of Independence. Here he looks at the Jesuit roots of revolution and Hidalgo and Allende.

If you missed them, Erick’s article on the four viceroyalties is here, Francisco de Miranda’s early life is here, his travels in Europe and the US is here, and his later years is here. Then, you can read about the Abdications of Bayonne here.

A painting of Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla.

The Eve of the Revolution

New Spain on the eve of the Abdications of Bayonne in 1808 was a place of tension. The constant warfare in Europe meant that New Spain, as the wealthiest colony of Spain, was used as a source of money for Napoleon’s war machine. The Godoy government had been dedicated to extracting as much wealth as possible from the colonies. The people groaned under the financial burden.

Money was not the only cause of discontent. The example of the United States to the north was one of a free (slaves were ignored) federal republic that had thrown off their colonial masters and the king who ruled over them. Ideas from the French Revolution, such as liberty, equality, and fraternity, were highly influential on the literate classes. The economic arguments of free enterprise and the removal of colonial trade barriers were wrapped into the political language of the Enlightenment of the brotherhood of man and the liberation of the soul.

A further cause of resentment was the social caste system in place in New Spain. Slavery existed in Mexico, but it was not exclusively African slavery, as in the United States. Many of the natives, or indios, descendants of the Aztecs, Maya, and others, were enslaved, either in law or custom, through the encomienda system. This system, in place since the conquests by Cortes, bound the indios to labor to a man granted the right to own that labor, an encomendero. There were African slaves as well, just not in the numbers seen to the north. Above the slaves were mestizos, or mixed Spanish and indio, but they faced many legal and cultural barriers to success. Above them were the criollos. These were people who did not have any Native or African ancestry, but because they were born in New Spain, they faced certain legal disabilities, and in practice were second-class citizens. At the top of the pyramid were the peninsulares, people who were born in Spain. Not only did the peninsulares have more legal rights than everyone else, but they also owned and controlled a disproportionate amount of the wealth in New Spain. This added a large degree of economic resentment to the existing racial resentment.

Choices to be Made

In 1808, the news of the installation of Joseph Bonaparte as King of Spain hit New Spain like a thunderbolt. Although there had been tensions between France and Spain, no one had expected something like this to happen. To whom was loyalty owed, to Spain? To the king? Who was the king, Carlos, or Joseph, or maybe it was the Infante, Ferdinand? These questions had to be answered. The person who had the responsibility for all decisions in New Spain was supposed to be the viceroy, José de Iturrigaray.

Iturrigaray had been viceroy in New Spain since 1803. He claimed to be a loyal servant of Carlos IV. The problem for him was, he was the viceroy for Carlos, and was Carlos still the king after the mess of Bayonne? What about Ferdinand, the heir and future king, was he legitimate? He was not appointed by Joseph Bonaparte, but many within the Spanish civil service did recognize Joseph and welcomed the Napoleonic reforms being enacted, including the ending of the Inquisition. Further, Iturrigaray was an appointee of Godoy, the ridiculously corrupt Spanish Prime Minister who was hated by nearly everyone in the Spanish domains. He knew that the Juntas would never accept him, as they were revolting against the existing Spanish government as much as against the French and King Joseph.

Thrown into the mix were those who saw this as a golden opportunity to attain, if not independence from Spain, then at least significant local autonomy. This group was primarily led by criollos who resented the privileges of the peninsulares and identified their country as New Spain. Many in this group believed that New Spain could remain loyal to the Spanish crown but be independent of Spain and the Spanish government. The situation was further complicated by the creation of the revolutionary Juntas in Spain in response to the invasion. The leaders in Spain were attempting to extend their authority over the colonies as well. If the Spanish leaders were able to solidify the loyalty of the colonies, that would eliminate any chance of New Spain achieving autonomy or independence.

When official delegations from two different Juntas, one from Oviedo, and one from Seville, arrived in the colony, it was the perfect excuse for Iturrigaray to delay. He announced that he would make no final decision on whom to support until September. In the interim, he had agreed to the formation of a Congress for the colony, ostensibly to learn the desires of the people.

Some were worried that Iturrigaray was thinking about declaring himself the leader of an independent New Spain, perhaps even as its king. To prevent this from occurring, a group of elites from New Spain organized and plotted to overthrow the viceroy. On September 15, 1808, just four months after the abdications of Bayonne, the conspirators removed Iturrigaray. Although the removal of the viceroy had been the action of a broad spectrum of elites, it seemed no one was happy with the situation. The new viceroy, Pedro de Garibay, was named by the Audencia, not for his ability or charisma, but because he was the highest-ranking officer in New Spain at the time. The pro-independence group wanted a definite break with Spain. The conservatives did not like how the coup played out, as the king was the only person who had the authority to appoint a new viceroy.

The overthrow of the viceroy was a watershed moment for one more reason that would only become clearer in the future. The revolutionary history of what would become Mexico started with a conspiracy overthrowing the legitimate government of the country. The lesson was not lost on those groups who would later compete for power: if you are not happy with the current government, just overthrow it. The English colonists revolted against taxes that barely impacted them. The peoples of Colombia and La Plata would revolt at far less provocation. Yet, the people of Mexico did nothing in the face of, what was essentially, a coup d’état. There was no mass uprising, nor did the independence-minded Creoles raise a voice. The prestige of the government of the colony suffered a blow that it would not recover from. This lesson learned in the cradle would be the curse of Mexico for generations.

The Jesuit Roots of Revolution

It would be odd to expect the main impetus for revolution to come from members of the clergy. Yet, in New Spain, the initial driving force for revolution came from priests. In an era with little formalized education, especially in far-flung reaches of the empire, families, especially creole families, which had a child who showed intellectual promise would send that child to receive an education with the church. It was within the lower orders of the church in New Spain that many of the enlightenment ideals from Europe found a receptive audience. These men were literate yet surrounded by illiteracy and what they saw as backwardness caused by oppression.

Many of the schools in New Spain by the mid-18th century were run by members of the Jesuit order. To the people of their areas, these priests offered spiritual comfort as well as education. Usually, the most learned people in their areas, the Jesuits would set up schools to spread their religion, but also to support and uplift the people, as they saw it. To the Spanish authorities, they were an organization with loyalties to the Pope, not to the king. In the era of the Bourbon reforms, when the Spanish government was attempting to centralize and gain a firmer grip on the empire, having this group of priests teaching the lower classes who knows what, as well as controlling a large amount of wealth and land in the empire, the Jesuits represented an existential threat (or a convenient scapegoat and source of wealth). In 1767, King Carlos III ordered the expulsion of the Jesuit order from the Spanish Empire.

Hidalgo

One such young man who received his early education from the Jesuits was Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. Hidalgo came from a wealthy family in Michoacán that sent him to the Colegio de San Francisco Javier. It was here that first learned of the philosophers of the enlightenment. When the Jesuits were expelled from the empire, he transferred to the Colegio de San Nicolás, later moving on to the Royal and Pontifical University of Mexico, earning his degree and entering the priesthood. While conducting his studies, he also learned philosophy and French, allowing him to read the Enlightenment philosophers in the original language.

After becoming a priest, he became a teacher himself. Hidalgo, however, could not just ignore his beliefs in the enlightenment and against some of, what he saw, as the more obscuritan elements of Catholic theology. As a member of the faculty of the Colegio de San Nicolás Obispo, he was also the school’s treasurer. The church leaders did not want to bring attention to his heretical and liberal teachings, so in removing him, they cited financial irregularities and shipped him off to several small parishes. It was while ministering to these small, rural parishes that Hidalgo’s resentments toward the church hierarchy and the corrupt viceregal government in Mexico City bloomed.

Finally settling in the small town of Dolores, Hidalgo began the work of educating the people of the region. Unlike many in the leadership of the colony, Hidalgo did not care about social caste and would take everyone equally, including indios, who up until that time, were kept uneducated as a matter of policy. Hidalgo, always a believer in self-improvement, attempted to teach the native how to improve their lot. Instead of being subsistence farmers, Hidalgo believed that they should grow cash crops, earning more money. He attempted to teach the indios how to grow olives and grapes for wine. By improving their crops and their methods, the indios could be lifted out of poverty, and with the education and literacy he gave them, they could become prosperous.

It was not to be. Spanish law and the colonial authorities forbade the growing of certain crops to prevent competition from arising for Spanish producers. The local authorities came and cut down the groves that Hidalgo had directed to be planted. Knowing the stupidity of this action, Hidalgo’s resentment would only grow.

The Conspiracy Forms

In Querétaro at the same time, a group surrounding Ignacio Allende began forming. Allende was a captain in the royal army but had been mistreated by the viceregal government due to his New Spanish birth. Creoles were looked down on by their peninsulares comrades and had a very difficult (but not impossible) time rising to higher ranks. It proved very easy for Allende to recruit fellow members of the royal army into his conspiracy.

This conspiracy did not start with the goal of independence.  On the contrary, their goal was a New Spain under the crown of Ferdinand VII, just run by creoles. Allende wanted a bloodless coup, just like the one that unseated Iturrigaray. This required more than just lower-ranking officers, though. He knew he needed to reach out to all segments of creole society to gain a broader base of support. Allende just assumed that if he could recruit creole leaders, he would have the support of the mestizos and indios, as they would naturally follow the lead of their creole betters.

This is where Allende and Hidalgo come together. Both men resented what they saw as peninsulares corruption and fecklessness. Hidalgo, however, did not agree with Allende that a revolution should be led by a small clique of creole army officers. He wanted this to be a broad-based movement in which all elements of society had a place and would actively participate.

Any broad-based movement can be difficult to control. With more people brought into the conspiracy, word began to leak out that something was happening in Querétaro. The latest of Spanish governments, now a regency acting in the name of Ferdinand VII on the island of León, dispatched a new viceroy to New Spain, Francisco Venegas. Before he even arrived, however, the government in Mexico City wanted to consolidate its power. The conspiracy had to be broken up.

The Conspiracy Unfolds

The corregidor of Querétaro, Miguel Domínguez, was given the order to arrest Allende, Hidalgo, and the rest of the conspiracy. The problem was that Domínguez was part of the conspiracy. He was also a very indecisive man. With one foot in each camp, Domínguez needed to commit himself, but instead, he panicked. He even locked in the house his own wife, as she was also a member of the conspiracy.

Domínguez’s wife, Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez, would be one of the heroes of this first act of the war of independence. On September 15, 1810, Josefa figured out a way to contact her fellow conspirators and sent a message to Allende, informing him of the arrest order. Allende immediately went to Dolores to inform Hidalgo and formulate a plan.

At 2:00 AM on September 16, Allende arrived at Hidalgo’s house in a panic. He wanted to go underground with his fellow conspirators. Hidalgo, the local parish priest, exiled to a backwater due to being seen as dangerous, saw that the moment had come. His decisiveness instantly gave him leadership in this revolution. Allende’s plan for a bloodless coup was gone. A simple political change of regime would give way to mass social revolution. Hidalgo put on his boots and walked to the church, ordering the bell to be rung. The revolution was on.

What do you think of the start of the Mexican War of Independence? Let us know below.

Now, read about Francisco Solano Lopez, the Paraguayan president who brought his country to military catastrophe in the War of the Triple Alliance here.