For several months now, polls have suggested a sweeping victory for the Labour Party at the next British general election; an alarming prospect for the government and one that recently led some Conservatives to openly call for a change of leader in the hope that this will remove the likelihood of electoral armageddon and the end of 14 years of Conservative governance. Here, Vittorio Trevitt considers this in a historical context – and looks at what could happen in the future.
Benjamin Disraeli, circa 1873.
Much of the Conservative administration’s polling plight is arguably the result of the increased levels of poverty and wage stagnation that the party has presided over. Throughout its history, however, and in comparison to the current and more recent Conservative ministries, the Conservative Party has on many occasions upheld a noteworthy tradition that champions a degree of governmental action to lessen inequalities and elevate opportunity. That tradition is the One Nation brand of British Conservatism.
The origins of this tradition can be traced to the one-time Conservative leader Benjamin Disraeli, who spoke of England in a novel he composed, “Sybil,” as being made up “of two nations – one rich, one poor,” and as prime minister introduced a wide range of reforms aimed at bridging that gap. Amongst these included measures to improve the legal status of unions, improvements in living conditions and sanitation in urban areas, food safety standards, and restrictions on the working hours of women and children. The term “One Nation” came to be associated with members of the Conservative Party who believed that Conservatism should reach out to all sections of British society.
The principles of One Nation Conservatism were evident in the social policies of Disraeli’s successors, who utilised the power of the state to mitigate numerous social evils. The 1887 Truck Amendment Act broadened the range of workers protected by legislation ensuring that they be paid in coins rather than in tickets or goods that could only be used at employer-owned shops. The 1889 Cotton Cloth Factories Act regulated the degree of humidity and temperature in such establishments, while the 1890 Housing of the Working Classes Act encouraged local authority public housing schemes. An Education Act of 1891 provided, as noted by one study, “grants for schools willing to abolish fees for children between three and fifteen years of age.” The 1891 Factory and Workshop Act included various provisions aimed at safeguarding labour including an expansion of sanitary regulations, and the following year a Shop Hours Regulation Act sought to limit the weekly working hours of shop assistants under the age of 18 to 74, which included times for meals. In 1897, an important Workmen’s Compensation Act was passed that, while not universal, nevertheless legally obligated employers to pay compensation to workers when accidents occurred.
Early 19th century
The early Twentieth Century also witnessed the passage of much legislation bearing the stamp of One Nation Conservatism. Arthur Balfour’s 1902-1905 administration passed legislation setting up Distress Committees to reduce the hardships suffered by those experiencing unemployment by means of supporting such individuals in finding employment. A 1923 Industrial Insurance Act offered safeguards for millions of policyholders, while the 1925 Merchant Shipping (International Labour Convention) Act provided improved rights for seamen. That same year, a permanent Food Council was set up to prevent food price profiteering, and the Lead Paint (Protection Against Poisoning) Act from the following year sought to protect paint trade workers from lead poisoning. A Mining Act introduced that same year provided for a 5% levy on royalties to help support the installation of pithead baths. For people in rural areas, the 1926 Housing (rural workers') act entitled owners of rural cottages to loans and grants for home improvements, while the 1928 Agricultural Credits Act furnished farmers with a loan system to help them in purchasing their farms.
This reforming trend would continue throughout the Thirties, in spite of the social and economic turmoil of the Great Depression. New housing laws were passed with the intention of alleviating bad housing, and in 1934 a Milk in School scheme was launched that over 2 million children benefited from. The 1936 Agriculture Act set up an unemployment insurance scheme for agricultural workers, while the 1937 National Health Insurance (Juvenile Contributors and Young Persons) Act allowed for medical treatment to be provided for juveniles the moment they entered insurable employment, instead of waiting until the full health insurance age of 16 to receive such care. Also that year, a Widows’, Orphans’ and Old Age Contributory Pensions (Voluntary Contributions) Act was passed that offered voluntary insurance to those left out of a previous scheme for beneficiaries of such benefits. The 1938 Poor Law Amendment Act provided for the payment of cash allowances to inmates aged 65 and over, while a Blind Persons Actpassed that same year reduced the old age pension eligibility age from 50 to 40 years for blind persons. Other measures included the 1939 Cancer Act, which improved facilities for the treating people with cancer, the 1937 Factory Act (which enhanced workplace safety standards), and the granting of paid holidays to about an additional 1 million workers via the 1938 Holidays with Pay Act.
Post-war period
The values of One-Nation Conservatism were also evident in many of the policies carried out by successive Conservative governments following the end of the Second World War. Although responsible for dubious decisions including the re-introduction of prescription charges (which was legislated for but never implemented under the previous Labour administration) and the 1957 Rent Act (which decontrolled rents throughout much of the private sector), they also carried out notable reforms such as a major housebuilding programme (which produced 300,000 homes per annum), grants to encourage home improvements, and new social entitlements such as a severe disablement occupational allowance for war pensioners and a home confinement grant for new mothers. A Small Farmer Scheme was also set up in 1959 to assist such farmers, with one historian asserting that, while the scheme only received a modest amount of money, the principle was novel “since it offered assistance only to those farmers whose businesses were not economic yet were capable of becoming so.” Edward Heath’s 1970-74 ministry, although maligned with justification for abolishing free milk for primary school children between the ages of 8 and 11, introduced such innovations as rent allowances, an invalidity benefit for those with severe disabilities, and the Family Income Supplement; a top-up benefit for those earning low wages. In addition, the fair rents system that the 1964-70 Labour government introduced for private tenants was extended to those in the public sector.
The 1971 Merchant Shipping (Oil Pollution) Act made oil tanker owners liable for any oil pollution they caused, while the Motor Vehicle (Passenger Insurance) Act of that year brought all passengers under liability insurance coverage. The 1971 Law Reform (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, in the words of one study, provided “that in assessing the claim of a widow neither her prospects of remarriage nor her actual remarriage would be taken into account,” while the 1973 Matrimonial Causes Act provided financial support “for parties to marriage and children of family.” A comprehensiveLand Compensation Act was also passed in 1973, designed to offer compensation to individuals whose properties had been negatively impacted by road and redevelopment schemes or had been compulsorily purchased. This included special home loss payments to occupiers in addition to any entitlement to normal market value payment, advance compensation payments of up to 90% of the amount the acquiring authority estimated, a legal bar on the practice whereby compensation was lowered in cases where local councils rehoused persons in a council house and, for the first time, the right of certain business tenants to compensation for removal expenses and trade loss.
Thatcher era
In many respects, the Heath Ministry represented the swansong of One Nation Conservatism, despite having been elected on a platform calling for reduced economic state intervention. The onset of Thatcherism undeniably sounded the death-knell of the Party’s One Nation tradition as a driving force in policy-making. Margaret Thatcher’s rise to the Conservative leadership in 1975 signalled an ideological turn to the Right; one that would find substance in the numerous ministries she led from 1979 onwards. Adhering to the belief that the State should limit its role in social and economic affairs as much as possible, Thatcherism presided over de-industrialisation on a large scale together with curbs on benefit rights. Paradoxically, while average living standards rose, the percentage of Britons living in povertyalso went up. The succeeding New Labour governments, while maintaining Thatcherite economic reforms and presiding over tests for certain benefits, facilitated a steady drop in poverty during most of their time in office; a positive development arguably attributable to new social programmes like pensioner and working family tax credits. Ironically, it was measures such as these that pre-Thatcherite Conservative ministries often rolled out themselves.
To the present
Given the circumstances, it may be time for the Conservative Party to reclaim the “One Nation” mantle and adopt a more activist strategy aimed at making greater use of the state as a force for social change if it hopes to remain in office after 2024.
More can be done to stimulate the social housing sector; a move that a 2023 poll suggested would be very popularamongst Conservative voters. A long-term care insurance system like the one established in Holland under the right-of-centre De Jong cabinet in 1968 (which remains in place to this day) could alleviate the financial burden of households in providing care for elderly relatives. The adequacy of sick pay need addressing, with Britain ranking amongst the lowest in Europe in this category. In addition, income poverty can be tackled by raising the level of unemployment payments, with the UKs replacement rate far below most OECD members like Luxembourg, Iceland and Slovenia. The Conservatives could also improve the family benefits system by introducing new social programmes for families. A Recreational Allowance could assist families with paying for family activities such as going to the cinema, while a Family Holiday Allowance could help pay towards the cost of holiday activities. In education, the Conservative Party could follow the example of Jamaica’s governing centre-right Labour Party, which recently announced the goal of providing free tuition for all public university students; a move that would make Jamaica the first Caribbean nation to do so.
There is, therefore, much in the One Nation tradition that the modern day Conservative Party can learn from, while there exist a number of policy options consistent with that tradition which either the current or a future Conservative administration could introduce. Adopting a more progressive policy agenda would not only be beneficial to the Conservative Party in political terms and in keeping with its historical heritage, but by tackling disadvantage and raising levels of personal health and wellbeing, it would be beneficial to the British people as a whole.
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